Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a
maniac.
Now the Truth; Read and know.
Volume 2 CHAPTER X THE MASK OF FEDERALISM
Part 1 - Marxists promote enmity and hate
between masses to promote financial interests of international financiers.
In the winter of 1919, and still more in the
spring and summer of 1920, the young Party felt bound to take up a definite
stand on a question which already had become quite serious during the War. In
the first volume of this book I have briefly recorded certain facts which I had
personally witnessed and which foreboded the break-up of Germany. In describing
these facts I made reference to the special nature of the propaganda which was
directed by the English as well as the French towards reopening the breach that
had existed between North and South in Germany. In the spring of 1915 there
appeared the first of a series of leaflets which was systematically followed up
and the aim of which was to arouse feeling against Prussia as being solely
responsible for the war. Up to 1916 this system had been developed and
perfected in a cunning and shameless manner. Appealing to the basest of human
instincts, this propaganda endeavoured to arouse the wrath of the South Germans
against the North Germans and after a short time it bore fruit. Persons who
were then in high positions under the Government and in the Army, especially
those attached to headquarters in the Bavarian Army, merited the just rebuke of
having blindly neglected their duty and failed to take the necessary steps to
counter such propaganda. But nothing was done. On the contrary, in some
quarters it did not appear to be quite unwelcome and probably they were
short-sighted enough to think that such propaganda might help along the
development of unification in Germany but even that it might automatically
bring about consolidation of the federative forces. Scarcely ever in history
was such a wicked neglect more wickedly avenged. The weakening of Prussia,
which they believed would result from this propaganda, affected the whole of
Germany. It resulted in hastening the collapse which not only wrecked Germany
as a whole but even more particularly the federal states.
In that town where the artificially created
hatred against Prussia raged most violently the revolt against the reigning
House was the beginning of the Revolution.
It would be a mistake to think that the enemy
propaganda was exclusively responsible for creating an anti-Prussian feeling
and that there were no reasons which might excuse the people for having
listened to this propaganda. The incredible fashion in which the national
economic interests were organized during the War, the absolutely crazy system
of centralization which made the whole REICH its ward and exploited the REICH,
furnished the principal grounds for the growth of that anti-Prussian feeling.
The average citizen looked upon the companies for the placing of war contracts,
all of which had their headquarters in Berlin, as identical with Berlin and
Berlin itself as identical with Prussia. The average citizen did not know that
the organization of these robber companies, which were called War Companies,
was not in the hands of Berlin or Prussia and not even in German hands at all.
People recognized only the gross irregularities and the continual encroachments
of that hated institution in the Metropolis of the REICH and directed their anger
towards Berlin and Prussia, all the more because in certain quarters (the
Bavarian Government) nothing was done to correct this attitude, but it was even
welcomed with silent rubbing of hands.
The Marxist was far too shrewd not to
understand that the infamous campaign which he had organized, under the cloak
of War Companies, for plundering the German nation would and must eventually
arouse opposition. As long as that opposition did not spring directly at his
own throat he had no reason to be afraid. Hence he decided that the best way of
forestalling an outbreak on the part of the enraged and desperate masses would
be to inflame their wrath and at the same time give it another outlet.
Let Bavaria quarrel as much as it liked with
Prussia and Prussia with Bavaria. The more, the merrier. This bitter strife
between the two states assured peace to the Marxist. Thus public attention was
completely diverted from the international maggot in the body of the nation;
indeed, he seemed to have been forgotten. Then when there came a danger that
level-headed people, of whom there are many to be found also in Bavaria, would
advise a little more reserve and a more judicious evaluation of things, thus
calming the rage against Prussia, all the Marxist had to do in Berlin was to
stage a new provocation and await results. Every time that was done all those
who had profiteered out of the conflict between North and South filled their
lungs and again fanned the flame of indignation until it became a blaze.
It was a shrewd and expert manoeuvre on the
part of the Marxist, to set the different branches of the German people
quarrelling with one another, so that their attention would be turned away from
himself and he could plunder them all the more completely.
Then came the Revolution.
Until the year 1918, or rather until the
November of that year, the average German citizen, particularly the less
educated lower middle-class and the workers, did not rightly understand what
was happening and did not realize what must be the inevitable consequences, especially
for Bavaria, of this internecine strife between the branches of the German people;
but at least those sections which called themselves 'National' ought to have
clearly perceived these consequences on the day that the Revolution broke out.
For the moment the COUP D'ÉTAT had succeeded, the leader and organizer of the
Revolution in Bavaria put himself forward as the defender of 'Bavarian'
interests. The international Marxist Marxist Marxist, Kurt Eisner, began to
play off Bavaria against Prussia. This Oriental was just about the last person
in the world that could be pointed to as the logical defender of Bavarian
interests. In his trade as newspaper reporter he had wandered from place to
place all over Germany and to him it was a matter of sheer indifference whether
Bavaria or any other particular part of God's whole world continued to exist.
In deliberately giving the revolutionary
rising in Bavaria the character of an offensive against Prussia, Kurt Eisner
was not acting in the slightest degree from the standpoint of Bavarian
interests, but merely as the commissioned representative of Marxist. He
exploited existing instincts and antipathies in Bavaria as a means which would
help to make the dismemberment of Germany all the more easy. When once
dismembered, the REICH would fall an easy prey to Bolshevism.
The tactics employed by him were continued
for a time after his death. The Marxists, who had always derided and exploited
the individual German states and their princes, now suddenly appealed, as an
'Independent Party' to those sentiments and instincts which had their strongest
roots in the families of the reigning princes and the individual states.
The fight waged by the Bavarian Soviet
Republic against the military contingents that were sent to free Bavaria from
its grasp was represented by the Marxist propagandists as first of all the
'Struggle of the Bavarian Worker' against 'Prussian Militarism.' This explains
why it was that the suppression of the Soviet Republic in Munich did not have
the same effect there as in the other German districts. Instead of recalling
the masses to a sense of reason, it led to increased bitterness and anger
against Prussia.
The art of the Bolshevik agitators, in
representing the suppression of the Bavarian Soviet Republic as a victory of
'Prussian Militarism' over the 'Anti-militarists' and 'Anti-Prussian' people of
Bavaria, bore rich fruit. Whereas on the occasion of the elections to the
Bavarian Legislative Diet, Kurt Eisner did not have ten thousand followers in Munich
and the Communist party less than three thousand, after the fall of the Bavarian
Republic the votes given to the two parties together amounted to nearly one
hundred thousand.
It was then that I personally began to combat
that crazy incitement of some branches of the German people against other
branches.
I believe that never in my life did I
undertake a more unpopular task than I did when I took my stand against the
anti-Prussian incitement. During the Soviet regime in Munich great public
meetings were held at which hatred against the rest of Germany, but
particularly against Prussia, was roused up to such a pitch that a North German
would have risked his life in attending one of those meetings. These meetings
often ended in wild shouts: "Away from Prussia", "Down with the
Prussians", "War against Prussia", and so on. This feeling was
openly expressed in the Reichstag by a particularly brilliant defender of
Bavarian sovereign rights when he said: "Rather die as a Bavarian than rot
as a Prussian".
One should have attended some of the meetings
held at that time in order to understand what it meant for one when, for the
first time and surrounded by only a handful of friends, I raised my voice
against this folly at a meeting held in the Munich Löwenbräu Keller. Some of my
War comrades stood by me then. And it is easy to imagine how we felt when that
raging crowd, which had lost all control of its reason, roared at us and
threatened to kill us. During the time that we were fighting for the country
the same crowd were for the most part safely ensconced in the rear positions or
were peacefully circulating at home as deserters and shirkers. It is true that
that scene turned out to be of advantage to me. My small band of comrades felt
for the first time absolutely united with me and readily swore to stick by me
through life and death.
These conflicts, which were constantly
repeated in 1919, seemed to become more violent soon after the beginning of
1920. There were meetings--I remember especially one in the Wagner Hall in the Sonnenstrasse
in Munich--during the course of which my group, now grown much larger, had to
defend themselves against assaults of the most violent character. It happened
more than once that dozens of my followers were mishandled, thrown to the floor
and stamped upon by the attackers and were finally thrown out of the hall more
dead than alive.
The struggle which I had undertaken, first by
myself alone and afterwards with the support of my war comrades, was now
continued by the young movement, I might say almost as a sacred mission.
I am proud of being able to say to-day that
we--depending almost exclusively on our followers in Bavaria--were responsible
for putting an end, slowly but surely, to the coalition of folly and treason. I
say folly and treason because, although convinced that the masses who joined in
it meant well but were stupid, I cannot attribute such simplicity as an
extenuating circumstance in the case of the organizers and their abetters. I
then looked upon them, and still look upon them to-day, as traitors in the
payment of France. In one case, that of Dorten, history has already pronounced
its judgment.
The situation became specially dangerous at
that time by reason of the fact that they were very astute in their ability to
cloak their real tendencies, by insisting primarily on their federative
intentions and claiming that those were the sole motives of the agitation. Of
course it is quite obvious that the agitation against Prussia had nothing to do
with federalism. Surely 'Federal Activities' is not the phrase with which to
describe an effort to dissolve and dismember another federal state. For an
honest federalist, for whom the formula used by Bismarck to define his idea of
the REICH is not a counterfeit phrase, could not in the same breath express the
desire to cut off portions of the Prussian State, which was created or at least
completed by Bismarck. Nor could he publicly support such a separatist attempt.
What an outcry would be raised in Munich if
some prussian conservative party declared itself in favour of detaching
Franconia from Bavaria or took public action in demanding and promoting such a
separatist policy. Nevertheless, one can only have sympathy for all those real
and honest federalists who did not see through this infamous swindle, for they
were its principal victims. By distorting the federalist idea in such a way its
own champions prepared its grave. One cannot make propaganda for a federalist
configuration of the REICH by debasing and abusing and besmirching the
essential element of such a political structure, namely Prussia, and thus making
such a Confederation impossible, if it ever had been possible. It is all the
more incredible by reason of the fact that the fight carried on by those
so-called federalists was directed against that section of the Prussian people
which was the last that could be looked upon as connected with the November
democracy. For the abuse and attacks of these so-called federalists were not
levelled against the fathers of the Weimar Constitution--the majority of whom
were South Germans or Marxist --but against those who represented the old
conservative Prussia, which was the antipodes of the Weimar Constitution. The
fact that the directors of this campaign were careful not to touch the Marxists
is not to be wondered at and perhaps gives the key to the whole riddle.
Before the Revolution the Marxist as
successful in distracting attention from himself and his War Companies by
inciting the masses, and especially the Bavarians, against Prussia. Similarly
he felt obliged, after the Revolution, to find some way of camouflaging his new
plunder campaign which was nine or ten times greater. And again he succeeded,
in this case by provoking the so-called 'national' elements against one another:
the conservative Bavarians against the Prussians, who were just as conservative.
He acted again with extreme cunning, in as much as he who held the reins of
Prussia's destiny in his hands provoked such crude and tactless aggressions
that again and again they set the blood boiling in those who were being
continually duped. Never against the Marxist, however, but always the German
against his own brother. The Bavarian did not see the Berlin of four million
industrious and efficient working people, but only the lazy and decadent Berlin
which is to be found in the worst quarters of the West End. And his antipathy
was not directed against this West End of Berlin but against the 'Prussian'
city.
In many cases it tempted one to despair.
The ability which the Marxist Jew has
displayed in turning public attention away from himself and giving it another
direction may be studied also in what is happening to-day.
In 1918 there was nothing like an organized
anti-Semitic feeling. I still remember the difficulties we encountered the
moment we mentioned the Jewt. We were either confronted with dumb-struck faces
or else a lively and hefty antagonism. The efforts we made at the time to point
out the real enemy to the public seemed to be doomed to failure. But then
things began to change for the better, though only very slowly. The 'League for
Defence and Offence' was defectively organized but at least it had the great
merit of opening up the Jewish question once again. In the winter of 1918-1919
a kind of anti-semitism began slowly to take root. Later on the National
Socialist Movement presented the Marxist-Jewish problem in a new light. Taking
the question beyond the restricted circles of the upper classes and small
bourgeoisie we succeeded in transforming it into the driving motive of a great
popular movement. But the moment we were successful in placing this problem
before the German people in the light of an idea that would unite them in one
struggle the Marxist reacted. He resorted to his old tactics. With amazing
alacrity he hurled the torch of discord into the patriotic movement and opened
a rift there. In bringing forward the ultramontane question and in the mutual
quarrels that it gave rise to between Catholicism and Protestantism lay the
sole possibility, as conditions then were, of occupying public attention with
other problems and thus ward off the attack which had been concentrated against
Marxists. The men who dragged our people into this controversy can never make
amends for the crime they then committed against the nation. Anyhow, the Marxist
has attained the ends he desired. Catholics and Protestants are fighting with
one another to their hearts' content, while the enemy of Aryan humanity and all
Christendom is laughing up his sleeve.
Once it was possible to occupy the attention
of the public for several years with the struggle between federalism and
unification, wearing out their energies in this mutual friction while the Marxists
trafficked in the freedom of the nation and sold our country to the masters of international
high finance. So in our day he has succeeded again, this time by raising
ructions between the two German religious denominations while the foundations
on which both rest are being eaten away and destroyed through the poison
injected by the international and cosmopolitan Marxists.
It has always been in the interests of the Marxists
to-day that the energies of the patriotic movement should be squandered in a
religious conflict, because it is beginning to be dangerous for the Marxists. I
have purposely used the phrase about SQUANDERING the energies of the Movement,
because nobody but some person who is entirely ignorant of history could
imagine that this movement can solve a question which the greatest statesmen
have tried for centuries to solve, and tried in vain.
Anyhow the facts speak for themselves. The
men who suddenly discovered, in 1924, that the highest mission of the patriotic
movement was to fight ultra montane have not succeeded in smashing
ultramontanism, but they succeeded in splitting the patriotic movement. I have
to guard against the possibility of some immature brain arising in the
patriotic movement which thinks that it can do what even a Bismarck failed to
do. It will be always one of the first duties of those who are directing the National
Socialist Movement to oppose unconditionally any attempt to place the National
Socialist Movement at the service of such a conflict. And anybody who conducts
a propaganda with that end in view must be expelled forthwith from its ranks.
As a matter of fact we succeeded until the
autumn of 1923 in keeping our movement away from such controversies. The most
devoted Protestant could stand side by side with the most devoted Catholic in
our ranks without having his conscience disturbed in the slightest as far as
concerned his religious convictions. The bitter struggle which both waged in
common against the wrecker of Aryan humanity taught them natural respect and esteem.
And it was just in those years that our movement had to engage in a bitter
strife with the Centre Party not for religious ends but for national, racial,
political and economic ends. The success we then achieved showed that we were
right, but it does not speak to-day in favour of those who thought they knew
better
In recent years things have gone so far that
patriotic circles, in god-forsaken blindness of their religious strife, could
not recognize the folly of their conduct even from the fact that atheist
Marxist newspapers advocated the cause of one religious denomination or the other,
according as it suited Marxist interests, so as to create confusion through
slogans and declarations which were often immeasurably stupid, now molesting
the one party and again the other, and thus poking the fire to keep the blaze
at its highest.
But in the case of a people like the Germans,
whose history has so often shown them capable of fighting for phantoms to the
point of complete exhaustion, every war-cry is a mortal danger. By these
slogans our people have often been drawn away from the real problems of their existence.
While we were exhausting our energies in religious wars the others were
acquiring their share of the world. And while the patriotic movement is
debating with itself whether the ultramontane danger be greater than the Marxism,
or vice versa, the Marxist Jew is destroying the racial basis of our existence
and thereby annihilating our people. As far as regards that kind of 'patriotic'
warrior, on behalf of the National Socialist Movement and therefore of the
German people I pray with all my heart: "Lord, preserve us from such
friends, and then we can easily deal with our enemies."
Adolf Hitler
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