Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a
maniac.
Now the Truth; Read and know. CHAPTER XIIb-Obligations
for National Resurgence.
“From whatever point of view we may examine
the possibility of recovering our independence as a State and a people, the
necessary pre-requisite is that the broad masses of the people must first be
won over to accept the principle of our national independence.
As early as 1919 we were convinced that the
nationalization of the masses would have to constitute the first and paramount
aim of the new movement. This decision laid a certain number of obligations on
our shoulders.
(1) No social sacrifice could be considered
too great in this effort to win over the masses for the national revival.
In the field of national economics, whatever
concessions are granted to-day to the employees are negligible when compared
with the benefit to be reaped by the whole nation if such concessions
contribute to bring back the masses of the people once more to the bosom of
their own nation.
If the German trades unions had defended the
interests of the working-classes uncompromisingly during the War; if even
during the War when they had used the weapon of the strike to force the
industrialists—to grant the demands of the workers for whom the unions acted;
if at the same time they had stood up as good Germans for the defence of the
nation as stoutly as for their own claims, and if they had given to their
country what was their country's due--then the War would never have been lost.
How ludicrously insignificant would all, and even the greatest, economic
concession have been in face of the tremendous importance of such a victory.
(2) The education of the masses along
national lines can be carried out only indirectly, by improving their social
conditions; for only by such a process can the economic conditions be created
which enable everybody to share in the cultural life of the nation.
(3) The nationalization of the broad masses
can never be achieved by half-measures--that is to say, by feebly insisting on
what is called the objective side of the question--but only by a ruthless and
devoted insistence on the one aim which must be achieved. This means that a
people cannot be made 'national' according to the signification attached to
that word by our bourgeois class to-day--that is to say, nationalism with many
reservations--but national in the vehement and extreme sense. Poison can be
overcome only by a counter-poison, and only the supine bourgeois mind could
think that the Kingdom of Heaven can be attained by a compromise.
The broad masses of a nation are not made up
of professors and diplomats. Since these masses have only a poor acquaintance
with abstract ideas. They are susceptible only to a manifestation of strength
which comes definitely either from the positive or negative side, but they are
never susceptible to any half-hearted attitude that wavers between one pole and
the other. It is always more difficult to fight successfully against Faith than
against knowledge. Love is less subject to change than respect. Hatred is more
lasting than mere aversion. And the driving force which has brought about the
most tremendous revolutions on this earth has never been a body of scientific
teaching which has gained power over the masses, but always a devotion which
has inspired them, and often a kind of hysteria which has urged them to action.
(4) The nationalization of the masses can be
successfully achieved only if, in the positive struggle to win the soul of the
people, those who spread the international poison among them are exterminated.
(5) All the great problems of our time are
problems of the moment and are only the results of certain definite causes. And
among all those there is only one that has a profoundly causal significance.
This is the problem of preserving the pure racial stock among the people. Human
vigour or decline depends on the blood. Nations that are not aware of the
importance of their racial stock, or which neglect to preserve it, are like men
who would try to educate the pug-dog to do the work of the greyhound, not
understanding that neither the speed of the greyhound nor the imitative
faculties of the poodle are inborn qualities which cannot be drilled into the
one or the other by any form of training. A disintegrated national character is
the inevitable consequence of a process of disintegration in the blood.
(6) To incorporate in the national community,
or simply the State, the standing of the higher classes must not be lowered but
that of the lower classes must be raised. The class which carries through this
process is never the higher class but rather the lower one which is fighting
for equality of rights. The bourgeoisie of to-day was not incorporated in the
State through measures enacted by the feudal nobility but only through its own
energy and a leadership that had sprung from its own ranks.
The German worker cannot be raised from his
present standing and incorporated in the German folk-community by means of
goody-goody meetings where people talk about the brotherhood of the people, but
rather by a systematic improvement in the social and cultural life of the
worker until the yawning abyss between him and the other classes can be filled
in. A movement which has this for its aim must try to recruit its followers
mainly from the ranks of the working class.
The reservoir from which the young movement
has to draw its members will first of all be the working masses. Those masses
must be delivered from the clutches of the international mania. Their social
distress must be eliminated. They must be raised above their present cultural
level, which is deplorable, and transformed into a resolute and valuable factor
in the folk-community, inspired by national ideas and national sentiment.
If among those intellectual circles that are
nationalist in their outlook, men who genuinely love the people and look
forward eagerly to the future of Germany, such men are cordially welcomed in
the ranks of our movement, because they can serve as a valuable intellectual
force in the work that has to be done. But this movement can never aim at
recruiting its membership from the unthinking herd of bourgeois voters… In
other words, we could not eliminate from the bourgeois classes the inefficiency
and supineness which are part of a tradition that has developed through
centuries. The difference between the cultural levels of the two groups and
between their respective attitudes towards social-economic questions is still
so great that it would turn out a hindrance to the movement.
(7) This one-sided but accordingly clear and
definite attitude must be manifested in the propaganda of the movement; and, on
the other hand, this is absolutely necessary to make the propaganda itself
effective.
If the propaganda should refrain from using
primitive forms of expression it will not appeal to the sentiments of the
masses. If, on the other hand, it conforms to the crude sentiments of the
masses in its words and gestures the intellectual circles will be averse to it
because of its roughness and vulgarity.
Among a hundred men who call themselves
orators there are scarcely ten who are capable of speaking with effect before
an audience of street-sweepers, locksmiths and navvies, etc., to-day and
expound the same subject with equal effect to-morrow before an audience of
university professors and students. Among a thousand public speakers there may
be only one who can speak before a composite audience of locksmiths and
professors in the same hall in such a way that his statements can be fully
comprehended by each group while at the same time he effectively influences
both and awakens enthusiasm, on the one side as well as on the other, to hearty
applause.
The thing that matters here is not the vision
of the man of genius who created the great idea but rather the success which
his apostles achieve in shaping the expression of this idea so as to bring it
home to the minds of the masses.
Social-Democracy and the whole Marxist
movement were particularly qualified to attract the great masses of the nation,
because of the uniformity of the public to which they addressed their appeal.
The more limited and narrow their ideas and arguments, the easier it was for
the masses to grasp and assimilate them; for those ideas and arguments were
well adapted to a low level of intelligence.
These considerations led the new movement to
adopt a clear and simple line of policy, which was as follows:
In its message as well as in its forms of
expression the propaganda must be kept on a level with the intelligence of the
masses, and its value must be measured only by the actual success it achieves.
At a public meeting where the great masses
are gathered together, the best speaker is not he whose way of approaching a
subject is most akin to the spirit of intellectuals, but the speaker who knows
how to win the hearts of the masses.
An educated man who is present and who finds
fault with an address because he considers it to be on an intellectual plane
that is too low, though he himself has witnessed its effect on the lower
intellectual groups whose adherence has to be won, only shows himself
completely incapable of rightly judging the situation and therewith proves that
he can be of no use in the new movement. Only those intellectuals can be of use
to a movement who understand its mission and its aims so well that they have
learned to judge our methods of propaganda exclusively by the success obtained
and never by the impression which those methods made on the intellectuals
themselves. For our propaganda is not meant to serve as an entertainment for
those people who already have a nationalist outlook, but its purpose is to win
the adhesion of those who have hitherto been hostile to national ideas and who
are nevertheless of our own blood and race.
(8) The ends which any political reform
movement sets out to attain can never be reached by trying to educate the
public or influence those in power but only by getting political power into its
hands. Every idea that is meant to move the world has not only the right but
also the obligation of securing control of those means which will enable the
idea to be carried into effect. In this world success is the only rule of
judgment whereby we can decide whether such an undertaking was right or wrong.
And by the word 'success' in this connection I do not mean such a success as
the mere conquest of power in 1918 but the successful issue whereby the common
interests of the nation have been served. A COUP D'ETAT cannot be considered
successful if, as many empty-headed government lawyers in Germany now believe,
the revolutionaries succeeded in getting control of the State into their hands
but only if, in comparison with the state of affairs under the old regime, the
lot of the nation has been improved when the aims and intentions on which the
revolution was based have been put into practice. This certainly does not apply
to the German Revolution, as that movement was called, which brought a gang of
bandits into power in the autumn of 1918.
But if the conquest of political power be a
requisite preliminary for the practical realization of the ideals that inspire
a reform movement, then any movement which aims at reform must, from the very
first day of its activity, be considered by its leaders as a movement of the
masses and not as a literary tea club or an association of philistines who meet
to play ninepins.
Adolf
Hitler
Kaps
No comments:
Post a Comment