Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a
maniac.
Now the Truth;
CHAPTER V part-B; War’; Manifestations of Jewish stab in the back of Germany
In those days I cared nothing for politics;
but I could not help forming an opinion on certain manifestations which
affected not only the whole nation but also us soldiers in particular. There
were two things which caused me the greatest anxiety at that time and which I
had come to regard as detrimental to our interests.
Shortly after our first series of victories a
certain section of the Press already began to throw cold water, drip by drip,
on the enthusiasm of the public. At first this was not obvious to many people.
It was done under the mask of good intentions and a spirit of anxious care. The
public was told that big celebrations of victories were somewhat out of place
and were not worthy expressions of the spirit of a great nation. The fortitude
and valour of German soldiers were accepted facts which did not necessarily
call for outbursts of celebration. Furthermore, it was asked, what would
foreign opinion have to say about these manifestations? Would not foreign
opinion react more favourably to a quiet and sober form of celebration rather
than to all this wild jubilation? Surely the time had come--so the Press
declared--for us Germans to remember that this war was not our work and that
hence there need be no feeling of shame in declaring our willingness to do our
share towards effecting an understanding among the nations. For this reason it would
not be wise to sully the radiant deeds of our army with unbecoming jubilation;
for the rest of the world would never understand this.
Furthermore, nothing is more appreciated than
the modesty with which a true hero quietly and unassumingly carries on and
forgets. Such was the gist of their warning.
Instead of catching these fellows by their
long ears and dragging them to some ditch and looping a cord around their
necks, so that the victorious enthusiasm of the nation should no longer offend
the aesthetic sensibilities of these knights of the pen, a general Press campaign
was now allowed to go on against what was called 'unbecoming' and 'undignified'
forms of victorious celebration.
No one seemed to have the faintest idea that
when public enthusiasm is once damped, nothing can rekindle it again, when the
necessity arises. This enthusiasm is an intoxication and must be kept up in
that form. Without the support of this enthusiastic spirit how would it be
possible to endure in a struggle which, according to human standards, made such
immense demands on the spiritual stamina of the nation?
I was only too well acquainted with the
psychology of the broad masses not to know that in such cases a magnanimous
'aestheticism' cannot fan the fire which is needed to keep the iron hot. In my
eyes it was even a mistake not to have tried to raise the pitch of public
enthusiasm still higher. Therefore I could not at all understand why the
contrary policy was adopted, that is to say, the policy of damping the public
spirit.
Another thing which irritated me was the
manner in which Marxism was regarded and accepted. I thought that all this
proved how little they knew about the Marxist plague. It was believed in all
seriousness that the abolition of party distinctions during the War had made
Marxism a mild and moderate thing.
Marxism, whose final objective was and is and
will continue to be the destruction of all non-Jewish national States, had to
witness in those days of July 1914 how the German working classes, which it had
been inveigling, were aroused by the national spirit and rapidly ranged themselves
on the side of the Fatherland. Within a few days the deceptive smoke-screen of
that infamous national betrayal had vanished into thin air and the Jewish bosses
suddenly found themselves alone and deserted. It was as if not a vestige had
been left of that folly and madness with which the masses of the German people
had been inoculated for sixty years. That was indeed an evil day for the
betrayers of German Labour. The moment, however, that the leaders realized the
danger which threatened them they pulled the magic cap of deceit over their
ears and, without being identified, played the part of mimes in the national reawakening.
While the flower of the nation's manhood was
dying at the front, there was time enough at home at least to exterminate this
vermin. But, instead of doing so, His Majesty the Kaiser held out his hand to
these hoary criminals, thus assuring them his protection and allowing them to regain
their mental composure.
And so the viper could begin his work again.
This time, however, more carefully than before, but still more destructively.
While honest people dreamt of reconciliation these perjured criminals were
making preparations for a revolution.
The more I then pondered over the necessity
for a change in the attitude of the executive government towards
Social-Democracy, as the incorporation of contemporary Marxism, the more I
realized the want of a practical substitute for this doctrine. Supposing
Social-Democracy were overthrown, what had one to offer the masses in its
stead? Not a single movement existed which promised any success in attracting
vast numbers of workers who would be now more or less without leaders, and
holding these workers in its train. It is nonsensical to imagine that the international
fanatic who has just severed his connection with a class party would forthwith
join a bourgeois party, or, in other words, another class organization. For
however unsatisfactory these various organizations may appear to be, it cannot
be denied that bourgeois politicians look on the distinction between classes as
a very important factor in social life, provided it does not turn out
politically
disadvantageous to them. If they deny this
fact they show themselves not only impudent but also mendacious.
Generally speaking, one should guard against
considering the broad masses more stupid than they really are. In political
matters it frequently happens that feeling judges more correctly than
intellect. But the opinion that this feeling on the part of the masses is sufficient
proof of their stupid international attitude can be immediately and definitely
refuted by the simple fact that pacifist democracy is no less fatuous, though
it draws its supporters almost exclusively from bourgeois circles. As long as
millions of citizens daily gulp down what the social-democratic Press tells
them, it ill becomes the 'Masters' to joke at the expense of the 'Comrades';
for in the long run they all swallow the same hash, even though it be dished up
with different spices. In both cases the cook is one and the same—the Jew.
One should be careful about contradicting
established facts. It is an undeniable fact that the class question has nothing
to do with questions concerning ideals, though that dope is administered at
election time. Class arrogance among a large section of our people, as well as
a prevailing tendency to look down on the manual labourer, are obvious facts
and not the fancies of some day-dreamer. Nevertheless it only illustrates the mentality
of our so-called intellectual circles, that they have not yet grasped the fact
that circumstances which are incapable of preventing the growth of such a
plague as Marxism are certainly not capable of restoring what has been lost.
The bourgeois' parties--a name coined by
themselves--will never again be able to win over and hold the proletarian
masses in their train. That is because two worlds stand opposed to one another
here, in part naturally and in part artificially divided. These two camps have
one leading thought, and that is that they must fight one another. But in such
a fight the younger will come off victorious; and that is Marxism.
In 1914 a fight against Social-Democracy was
indeed quite conceivable. But the lack of any practical substitute made it
doubtful how long the fight could be kept up. In this respect there was a
gaping void.
Long before the War I was of the same opinion
and that was the reason why I could not decide to join any of the parties then
existing. During the course of the World War my conviction was still further
confirmed by the manifest impossibility of fighting Social-Democracy in
anything like a thorough way: because for that purpose there should have been a
movement that was something more than a mere 'parliamentary' party, and there
was none such.
I frequently discussed that want with my
intimate comrades. And it was then that I first conceived the idea of taking up
political work later on. As I have often assured my friends, it was just this
that induced me to become active on the public hustings after the War, in
addition to my professional work. And I am sure that this decision was arrived
at after much earnest thought.”
Adolf Hitler;
Kaps.
Brilliant.
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