Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a
maniac.
Now the Truth; Read and know. VOLUME II Chapter IIc: Duties of "people's State"
The second modification in the curriculum
which the People's State will have to make is the following:
It is a characteristic of our materialistic
epoch that our scientific education shows a growing emphasis on what is real
and practical: such subjects, for instance, as applied mathematics, physics,
chemistry, etc. Of course they are necessary in an age that is dominated by
industrial technology and chemistry, and where everyday life shows at least the
external manifestations of these. But it is a perilous thing to base the general
culture of a nation on the knowledge of these subjects. On the contrary, that
general culture ought always to be directed towards ideals. It ought to be
founded on the humanist disciplines and should aim at giving only the ground
work of further specialized instruction in the various practical sciences.
Otherwise we should sacrifice those forces that are more important for the
preservation of the nation than any technical knowledge. In the historical
department the study of ancient history should not be omitted. Roman history,
along general lines, is and will remain the best teacher, not only for our own
time but also for the future. And the ideal of Hellenic culture should be preserved
for us in all its marvellous beauty. The differences between the various
peoples should not prevent us from recognizing the community of race which
unites them on a higher plane. The conflict of our times is one that is being
waged around great objectives. A civilization is fighting for its existence. It
is a civilization that is the product of thousands of years of historical
development, and the Greek as well as the German forms part of it.
A clear-cut division must be made between
general culture and the special branches. To-day the latter threaten more and
more to devote themselves exclusively to the service of Mammon. To
counterbalance this tendency, general culture should be preserved, at least in
its ideal forms. The principle should be repeatedly emphasized, that industrial
and technical progress, trade and commerce, can flourish only so long as a folk
community exists whose general system of thought is inspired by ideals, since
that is the preliminary condition for a flourishing development of the
enterprises I have spoken of. That condition is not created by a spirit of
materialist egotism but by a spirit of self-denial and the joy of giving one's
self in the service of others.
The system of education which prevails to-day
sees its principal object in pumping into young people that knowledge which
will help them to make their way in life. This principle is expressed in the
following terms:
"The young man must one day become a
useful member of human society." By that phrase they mean the ability to
gain an honest daily livelihood. The superficial training in the duties of good
citizenship, which he acquires merely as an accidental thing, has very weak
foundations.
In reality this Republic has been allowed to
exist undisturbed only by grace of its readiness and its promise to all and
sundry, to pay tribute and reparations to the stranger and to put its signature
to any kind of territorial renunciation. The rest of the world finds it just as
a weakling who is always willing bend. The fact that the enemy likes this form
of government is the worst kind of condemnation. They love the German Republic
and tolerate its existence because no better instrument could be found which
would help them to keep our people in slavery.
The People's State will have to fight for its
existence. It will not gain or secure this existence by signing documents like
that of the Dawes Plan. But for its existence and defence it will need
precisely those things which our present system believes can be repudiated. The
more worthy its form and its inner national being. the greater will be the envy
and opposition of its adversaries. The best defence will not be in the arms it
possesses but in its citizens. Bastions of fortresses will not save it, but the
living wall of its men and women, filled with an ardent love for their country
and a passionate spirit of national patriotism.
Therefore the third point which will have to
be considered in relation to our educational system is the following:
The People's State must realize that the
sciences may also be made a means of promoting a spirit of pride in the nation.
Not only the history of the world but the history of civilization as a whole
must be taught in the light of this principle. An inventor must appear great
not only as an inventor but also, and even more so, as a member of the nation. The
admiration aroused by the contemplation of a great achievement must be
transformed into a feeling of pride and satisfaction that a man of one's own
race has been chosen to accomplish it. But out of the abundance of great names
in German history the greatest will have to be selected and presented to our
young generation in such a way as to become solid pillars of strength to
support the national spirit.
The subject matter ought to be systematically
organized from the standpoint of this principle. And the teaching should be so
orientated that the boy or girl, after leaving school, will not be a
semi-pacifist, a democrat or of something else of that kind, but a
whole-hearted German. So that this national feeling be sincere from the very beginning,
and not a mere pretence, the following fundamental and inflexible principle
should be impressed on the young brain while it is yet malleable: The man who
loves his nation can prove the sincerity of this sentiment only by being ready
to make sacrifices for the nation's welfare. There is no such thing as a
national sentiment which is directed towards personal interests. And there is
no such thing as a nationalism that embraces only certain classes. Hurrahing
proves nothing and does not confer the right to call oneself national if behind
that shout there is no sincere preoccupation for the conservation of the nation's
well-being. One can be proud of one's people only if there is no class left of
which one need to be ashamed. When one half of a nation is sunk in misery and
worn out by hard distress, or even depraved or degenerate, that nation presents
such an unattractive picture that nobody can feel proud to belong to it. It is
only when a nation is sound in all its members, physically and morally, that
the joy of belonging to it can properly be intensified to the supreme feeling
which we call national pride. But this pride, in its highest form, can be felt
only by those who know the greatness of their nation.
The spirit of nationalism and a feeling for
social justice must be fused into one sentiment in the hearts of the youth.
Then a day will come when a nation of citizens will arise which will be welded
together through a common love and a common pride that shall be invincible and indestructible
for ever.
While the People's State attaches the
greatest importance to physical and mental training, it has also to consider,
and no less importantly, the task of selecting men for the service of the State
itself. This important matter is passed over lightly at the present time.
Generally the children of parents who are for the time being in higher
situations are in their turn considered worthy of a higher education. Here
talent plays a subordinate part. But talent can be estimated only relatively. Though
in general culture he may be inferior to the city child, a peasant boy may be more
talented than the son of a family that has occupied high positions through many
generations. But the superior culture of the city child has in itself nothing
to do with a greater or lesser degree of talent; for this culture has its roots
in the more copious mass of impressions which arise from the more varied
education and the surroundings among which this child lives. If the intelligent
son of peasant parents were educated from childhood in similar surroundings his
intellectual accomplishments would be quite otherwise. In our day there is only
one sphere where the family in which a person has been born means less than his
innate gifts. That is the sphere of art. Here, where a person cannot just
'learn,' but must have innate gifts that later on may undergo a more or less
happy development (in the sense of a wise development of what is already
there), money and parental property are of no account. This is a good proof
that genius is not necessarily connected with the higher social strata or with
wealth. Not rarely the greatest artists come from poor families. And many a boy
from the country village has eventually become a celebrated master.
It does not say much for the mental acumen of
our time that advantage is not taken of this truth for the sake of our whole
intellectual life. The opinion is advanced that this principle, though
undoubtedly valid in the field of art, has not the same validity in regard to
what are called the applied sciences. It is true that a man can be trained to a
certain amount of mechanical dexterity, just as a poodle can be taught incredible
tricks by a clever master. But such training does not bring the animal to use
his intelligence in order to carry out those tricks. And the same holds good in
regard to man. It is possible to teach men, irrespective of talent or no
talent, to go through certain scientific exercises, but in such cases the
results are quite as inanimate and mechanical as in the case of the animal. It
would even be possible to force a person of mediocre intelligence, by means of
a severe course of intellectual drilling, to acquire more than the average
amount of knowledge; but that knowledge would remain sterile. The result would
be a man who might be a walking dictionary of knowledge but who will fail miserably
on every critical occasion in life and at every juncture where vital decisions
have to be taken. Such people need to be drilled specially for every new and
even most insignificant task and will never be capable of contributing in the
least to the general progress of mankind. Knowledge that is merely drilled into
people can at best qualify them to fill government positions under our present
regime.
A stock of knowledge packed into the brain
will not suffice for the making of discoveries. What counts here is only that
knowledge which is illuminated by natural talent. But with us at the present
time no value is placed on such gifts. Only good school reports count.
Here is another educative work that is
waiting for the People's State to do. It will not be its task to assure a
dominant influence to a certain social class already existing, but it will be
its duty to attract the most competent brains in the total mass of the nation
and promote them to place and honour. It is not merely the duty of the State to
give to the average child a certain definite education in the primary school, but
it is also its duty to open the road to talent in the proper direction. And
above all, it must open the doors of the higher schools under the State to
talent of every sort, no matter in what social class it may appear. This is an
imperative necessity; for thus alone will it be possible to develop a talented
body of public leaders from the class which represents learning that in itself
is only a dead mass.
There is still another reason why the State
should provide for this situation. Our intellectual class, particularly in
Germany, is so shut up in itself and fossilized that it lacks living contact
with the classes beneath it. Two evil consequences result from this: First, the
intellectual class neither understands nor sympathizes with the broad masses.
It has been so long cut off from all connection with them that it cannot now
have the necessary psychological ties that would enable it to understand them.
It has become estranged from the people. Secondly, the intellectual class lacks
the necessary will-power; for this faculty is always weaker in cultivated
circles, which live in seclusion, than among the primitive masses of the
people. If instead of a Bethmann von Hollweg we had had a rough man of the
people as our leader the heroic blood of the common grenadier would not have
been shed in vain. The exaggeratedly intellectual material out of which our
leaders were made proved to be the best ally of the scoundrels who carried out
the November revolution. These intellectuals safeguarded the national wealth in
a miserly fashion, instead of launching it forth and risking it, and thus they
set the conditions on which the others won success.
It will be the task of the Peoples' State so
to organize and administer its educational system that the existing
intellectual class will be constantly furnished with a supply of fresh blood
from beneath. From the bulk of the nation the State must sift out with careful
scrutiny those persons who are endowed with natural talents and see that they
are employed in the service of the community. For neither the State itself nor
the various departments of State exist to furnish revenues for members of a
special class, but to fulfil the tasks allotted to them. This will be possible,
however, only if the State trains individuals specially for these offices. Such
individuals must have the necessary fundamental capabilities and will-power.
Of course such a reform seems impossible in
the world as it is to-day. The objection will at once be raised, that it is too
much to expect from the favourite son of a highly-placed civil servant, for
instance, that he shall work with his hands simply because somebody else whose
parents belong to the working-class seems more capable for a job in the civil service.
That argument may be valid as long as manual work is looked upon in the same
way as it is looked upon to-day. Hence the Peoples' State will have to take up
an attitude towards the appreciation of manual labour which will be
fundamentally different from that which now exists. If necessary, it will have
to organize a persistent system of teaching which will aim at abolishing the
present-day stupid habit of looking down on physical labour as an occupation to
be ashamed of.
The individual will have to be valued, not by
the class of work he does but by the way in which he does it and by its
usefulness to the community. This statement may sound monstrous in an epoch
when the most brainless columnist on a newspaper staff is more esteemed than
the most expert mechanic, merely because the former pushes a pen. But, as I
have said, this false valuation does not correspond to the nature of things. It
has been artificially introduced, and there was a time when it did not exist at
all. The present unnatural state of affairs is one of those general morbid
phenomena that have arisen from our materialistic epoch. Fundamentally every
kind of work has a double value; the one material, the other ideal. The
material value depends on the practical importance of the work to the life of
the community. The greater the number of the population who benefit from the
work, directly or indirectly, the higher will be its material value. This
evaluation is expressed in the material recompense which the individual
receives for his labour. In contradistinction to this purely material value
there is the ideal value. Here the work performed is not judged by its material
importance but by the degree to which it answers a necessity. Certainly the material
utility of an invention may be greater than that of the service rendered by an
everyday workman; but it is also certain that the community needs each of those
small daily services just as much as the greater services. From the material
point of view a distinction can be made in the evaluation of different kinds of
work according to their utility to the community, and this distinction is
expressed by the differentiation in the scale of recompense; but on the ideal
or abstract plans all workmen become equal the moment each strives to do his
best in his own field, no matter what that field may be. It is on this that a man's
value must be estimated, and not on the amount of recompense received.
In a reasonably directed State care must be
taken that each individual is given the kind of work which corresponds to his
capabilities. In other words, people will be trained for the positions
indicated by their natural endowments; but these endowments or faculties are
innate and cannot be acquired by any amount of training, being a gift from
Nature and not merited by men. Nature determines the form of this contribution.
It is the duty of the individual to return to the community, zealously and honestly,
what the community has given him. He who does this deserves the highest respect
and esteem. Material remuneration may be given to him whose work has a
corresponding utility for the community; but the ideal recompense must lie in
the esteem to which everybody has a claim who serves his people with whatever
powers Nature has bestowed upon him and which have been developed by the
training he has received from the national community. Then it will no longer be
dishonourable to be an honest craftsman; but it will be a cause of disgrace to
be an inefficient State official, wasting God's day and filching daily bread from
an honest public. Then it will be looked upon as quite natural that positions
should not be given to persons who of their very nature are incapable of
filling them.
Furthermore, this personal efficiency will be
the sole criterion of the right to take part on an equal juridical footing in
general civil affairs.
The present epoch is working out its own
ruin. It introduces universal suffrage, chatters about equal rights but can
find no foundation for this equality. It considers the material wage as the
expression of a man's value and thus destroys the basis of the noblest kind of
equality that can exist. For equality cannot and does not depend on the work a man
does, but only on the manner in which each one does the particular work
allotted to him. Thus alone will mere natural chance be set aside in
determining the work of a man and thus only does the individual become the
artificer of his own social worth.
At the present time, when whole groups of
people estimate each other's value only by the size of the salaries which they
respectively receive, there will be no understanding of all this. But that is
no reason why we should cease to champion those ideas. Quite the opposite: in
an epoch which is inwardly diseased and decaying anyone who would heal it must have
the courage first to lay bare the real roots of the disease. And the National
Socialist Movement must take that duty on its shoulders. It will have to lift
its voice above the heads of the small bourgeoisie and rally together and
co-ordinate all those popular forces which are ready to become the protagonists
of a new WELTANSCHAUUNG.
Of course the objection will be made that in
general it is difficult to differentiate between the material and ideal values
of work and that the lower prestige which is attached to physical labour is due
to the fact that smaller wages are paid for that kind of work. It will be said
that the lower wage is in its turn the reason why the manual worker has less chance
to participate in the culture of the nation; so that the ideal side of human
culture is less open to him because it has nothing to do with his daily
activities. It may be added that the reluctance to do physical work is
justified by the fact that, on account of the small income, the cultural level
of manual labourers must naturally be low, and that this in turn is a
justification for the lower estimation in which manual labour is generally
held.
There is quite a good deal of truth in all
this. But that is the very reason why we ought to see that in the future there
should not be such a wide difference in the scale of remuneration. Don't say
that under such conditions poorer work would be done. It would be the saddest
symptom of decadence if finer intellectual work could be obtained only through
the stimulus of higher payment. If that point of view had ruled the world up to
now humanity would never have acquired its greatest scientific and cultural
heritage. For all the greatest inventions, the greatest discoveries, the most
profoundly revolutionary scientific work, and the most magnificent monuments of
human culture, were never given to the world under the impulse or compulsion of
money. Quite the contrary: not rarely was their origin associated with a
renunciation of the worldly pleasures that wealth can purchase. It may be that
money has become the one power that governs life to-day. Yet a time will come
when men will again bow to higher gods.
It is also one of the aims before our
movement to hold out the prospect of a time when the individual will be given
what he needs for the purposes of his life and it will be a time in which, on
the other hand, the principle will be upheld that man does not live for
material enjoyment alone. This principle will find expression in a wiser scale
of wages and salaries which will enable everyone, including the humblest workman
who fulfils his duties conscientiously, to live an honourable and decent life
both as a man and as a citizen.
Only after the German people had become
estranged from these ideals, to follow the material promises offered by the
Revolution, only after they threw away their arms to take up the rucksack, only
then--instead of entering an earthly paradise--did they sink into the purgatory
of universal contempt and at the same time universal want.
That is why we must face the calculators of
the materialist Republic with faith in an idealist REICH. ”
Adolf Hitler.
