Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a
maniac.
Now the Truth; Read and know. CHAPTER V WELTANSCHAUUNG AND
ORGANIZATION
“The People's State, which I have tried to
sketch in general outline, will not become a reality in virtue of the simple
fact that we know the indispensable conditions of its existence. It does not
suffice to know what aspect such a State would present. The problem of its
foundation is far more important. The parties which exist at present and which
draw their profits from the State as it now is cannot be expected to bring
about a radical change in the regime or to change their attitude on their own
initiative. This is rendered all the more impossible because the forces which
now have the direction of affairs in their hands are Marxists here and Marxists
there and Marxists everywhere. The trend of development which we are now
experiencing would, if allowed to go on unhampered, lead to the realization of
the Pan-Jewish prophecy that the Jews will one day devour the other nations and
become lords of the earth.
In contrast to the millions of 'bourgeois'
and 'proletarian' Germans, who are stumbling to their ruin, mostly through
timidity, indolence and stupidity, the Marxist pursues his way persistently and
keeps his eye always fixed on his future goal. Any party that is led by him can
fight for no other interests than his, and his interests certainly have nothing
in common with those of the Aryan nations.
If we would transform our ideal picture of
the People's State into a reality we shall have to keep independent of the
forces that now control public life and seek for new forces that will be ready
and capable of taking up the fight for such an ideal. For a fight it will have
to be, since the first objective will not be to build up the idea of the
People's State but rather to wipe out the Marxist State which is now in
existence. As so often happens in the course of history, the main difficulty is
not to establish a new order of things but to clear the ground for its
establishment. Prejudices and egotistic interests join together in forming a
common front against the new idea and in trying by every means to prevent its triumph,
because it is disagreeable to them or threatens their existence.
It is evidence of a very superficial insight
into historical developments if the so-called folkists emphasize again and
again that they will not adopt the use of negative criticism but will engage
only in constructive work. That is nothing but puerile chatter and is typical
of the whole lot of folkists. It is another proof that the history of our own
times has made no impression on these minds. Marxism too has had its aims to
pursue and it also recognizes constructive work, though by this it understands
only the establishment of despotic rule in the hands of international Jewish
finance. Nevertheless for seventy years its principal work still remains in the
field of criticism. And what disruptive and destructive criticism it has been!
Criticism repeated again and again, until the corrosive acid ate into the old
State so thoroughly that it finally crumbled to pieces. Only then did the
so-called 'constructive' critical work of Marxism begin. And that was natural,
right and logical. An existing order of things is not abolished by merely
proclaiming and insisting on a new one. It must not be hoped that those who are
the partisans of the existing order and have their interests bound up with it
will be converted and won over to the new movement simply by being shown that
something new is necessary. On the contrary, what may easily happen is that two
different situations will exist side by side and that a WELTANSCHAUUNG is transformed
into a party, above which level it will not be able to raise itself afterwards.
For a WELTANSCHAUUNG is intolerant and cannot permit another to exist side by
side with it. It imperiously demands its own recognition as unique and
exclusive and a complete transformation in accordance with its views throughout
all the branches of public life. It can never allow the previous state of
affairs to continue in existence by its side.
And the same holds true of religions.
The appearance of intolerance and fanaticism
in the history of mankind may be deeply regrettable, and it may be looked upon
as foreign to human nature, but the fact does not change conditions as they
exist to-day. The men who wish to liberate our German nation from the
conditions in which it now exists cannot cudgel their brains with thinking how
excellent it would be if this or that had never arisen. They must strive to
find ways and means of abolishing what actually exists. A philosophy of life
which is inspired by an infernal spirit of intolerance can only be set aside by
a doctrine that is advanced in an equally ardent spirit and fought for with as
determined a will and which is itself a new idea, pure and absolutely true.
Each one of us to-day may regret the fact
that the advent of Christianity was the first occasion on which spiritual
terror was introduced into the much freer ancient world, but the fact cannot be
denied that ever since then the world is pervaded and dominated by this kind of
coercion and that violence is broken only by violence and terror by terror.
Only then can a new regime be created by means of constructive work. Political
parties are prone to enter compromises; but a WELTANSCHAUUNG never does this. A
political party is inclined to adjust its teachings with a view to meeting
those of its opponents, but a WELTANSCHAUUNG proclaims its own infallibility. In the beginning, political parties have also
and nearly always the intention of securing an exclusive and despotic
domination for themselves. They always show a slight tendency to become WELTANSCHHAUUNGen.
But the limited nature of their programme is in itself enough to rob them of
that heroic spirit which a WELTANSCHAUUNG demands. The spirit of conciliation
which animates their will attracts those petty and chicken-hearted people who
are not fit to be protagonists in any crusade. That is the reason why they
mostly become struck in their miserable pettiness very early on the march. They
give up fighting for their ideology and, by way of what they call 'positive collaboration,'
they try as quickly as possible to wedge themselves into some tiny place at the
trough of the existent regime and to stick there as long as possible. Their
whole effort ends at that. And if they should get shouldered away from the
common manger by a competition of more brutal manners then their only idea is
to force themselves in again, by force or chicanery, among the herd of all the
others who have similar appetites, in order to get back into the front row, and
finally—even at the expense of their most sacred convictions--participate anew
in that beloved spot where they find their fodder. They are the jackals of politics.
But a general WELTANSCHAUUNG will never share
its place with something else. Therefore it can never agree to collaborate in
any order of things that it condemns. On the contrary it feels obliged to
employ every means in fighting against the old order and the whole world of
ideas belonging to that order and prepare the way for its destruction.
These purely destructive tactics, the danger
of which is so readily perceived by the enemy that he forms a united front
against them for his common defence, and also the constructive tactics, which
must be aggressive in order to carry the new world of ideas to success—both these
phases of the struggle call for a body of resolute fighters. Any new philosophy
of life will bring its ideas to victory only if the most courageous and active
elements of its epoch and its people are enrolled under its standards and
grouped firmly together in a powerful fighting organization. To achieve this
purpose it is absolutely necessary to select from the general system of
doctrine a certain number of ideas which will appeal to such individuals and
which, once they are expressed in a precise and clear-cut form, will serve as
articles of faith for a new association of men. While the programme of the
ordinary political party is nothing but the recipe for cooking up favourable
results out of the next general elections, the programme of a WELTANSCHAUUNG represents
a declaration of war against an existing order of things, against present
conditions.
It is not necessary, however, that every
individual fighter for such a new doctrine need have a full grasp of the
ultimate ideas and plans of those who are the leaders of the movement. It is
only necessary that each should have a clear notion of the fundamental ideas
and that he should thoroughly assimilate a few of the most fundamental
principles, so that he will be convinced of the necessity of carrying the
movement and its doctrines to success. The individual soldier is not initiated
in the knowledge of high strategical plans. But he is trained to submit to a
rigid discipline, to be passionately convinced of the justice and inner worth
of his cause and that he must devote himself to it without reserve. So, too,
the individual follower of a movement must be made acquainted with its
far-reaching purpose, how it is inspired by a powerful will and has a great
future before it. Supposing that each soldier in an army were a general, and
had the training and capacity for generalship, that army would not be an efficient
fighting instrument. Similarly a political movement would not be very efficient
in fighting for a WELTANSCHAUUNG if it were made up exclusively of
intellectuals. No, we need the simple soldier also. Without him no discipline
can be established.
By its very nature, an organization can exist
only if leaders of high intellectual ability are served by a large mass of men
who are emotionally devoted to the cause. To maintain discipline in a company
of two hundred men who are equally intelligent and capable would turn out more
difficult in the long run than in a company of one hundred and ninety less
gifted men and ten who have had a higher education.
The Social-Democrats have profited very much
by recognizing this truth. The Social-Democratic organization consisted of an
army divided into officers and men. The German worker who had passed through
his military service became the private soldier in that army, and the Jewish intellectual
was the officer. The German trade union functionaries may be compared to the
non-commissioned officers. The fact, which was always looked upon with
indifference by our middle-classes, that only the so-called uneducated classes
joined Marxism was the very ground on which this party achieved its success.
For while the bourgeois parties, because they mostly consisted of
intellectuals, were only a feckless band of undisciplined individuals, out of
much less intelligent human material the Marxist leaders formed an army of
party combatants who obey their Jewish masters just as blindly as they formerly
obeyed their German officers. The German middle-classes, who never; bothered their
heads about psychological problems because they felt themselves superior to
such matters, did not think it necessary to reflect on the profound significance
of this fact and the secret danger involved in it. Indeed they believed, that a
political movement which draws its followers exclusively from intellectual
circles must, for that very reason, be of greater importance and have better
grounds for its chances of success, and even a greater probability of taking
over the government of the country than a party made up of the ignorant masses.
They completely failed to realize the fact that the strength of a political
party never consists in the intelligence and independent spirit of the
rank-and-file of its members but rather in the spirit of willing obedience with
which they follow their intellectual leaders. What is of decisive importance is
the leadership itself. When two bodies of troops are arrayed in mutual combat
victory will not fall to that side in which every soldier has an expert
knowledge of the rules of strategy, but rather to that side which has the best
leaders and at the same time the best disciplined, most blindly obedient and
best drilled troops.
If the idea of the People's State, which is
at present an obscure wish, is one day to attain a clear and definite success,
from its vague and vast mass of thought it will have to put forward certain
definite principles which of their very nature and content are calculated to attract
a broad mass of adherents; in other words, such a group of people as can
guarantee that these principles will be fought for. That group of people are
the German workers.
That is why the programme of the new movement
was condensed into a few fundamental postulates, twenty-five in all. They are
meant first of all to give the ordinary man a rough sketch of what the movement
is aiming at. They are, so to say, a profession of faith which on the one hand
is meant to win adherents to the movement and, on the other, they are meant to
unite such adherents together in a covenant to which all have subscribed.
Therefore whoever really and seriously
desires that the idea of the People's State should triumph must realize that
this triumph can be assured only through a militant movement and that this
movement must ground its strength only on the granite firmness of an
impregnable and firmly coherent programme. In regard to its formulas it must
never make concessions to the spirit of the time but must maintain the form
that has once and for all been decided upon as the right one; in any case until
victory has crowned its efforts. Before this goal has been reached any attempt
to open a discussion on the opportuneness of this or that point in the
programme might tend to disintegrate the solidity and fighting strength of the
movement, according to the measures in which its followers might take part in
such an internal dispute. Some 'improvements' introduced to-day might be
subjected to a critical examination to-morrow, in order to substitute it with
something better the day after. Once the barrier has been taken down the road
is opened and we know only the beginning, but we do not know to what shoreless
sea it may lead.
This important principle had to be
acknowledged in practice by the members of the National Socialist Movement at
its very beginning. In its programme of twenty-five points the National
Socialist German Labour Party has been furnished with a basis that must remain
unshakable. The members of the movement, both present and future, must never
feel themselves called upon to undertake a critical revision of these leading postulates,
but rather feel themselves obliged to put them into practice as they stand.
Otherwise the next generation would, in its turn and with equal right, expend
its energy in such purely formal work within the party, instead of winning new
adherents to the movement and thus adding to its power. For the majority of our
followers the essence of the movement will consist not so much in the letter of
our theses but in the meaning that we attribute to them.
The new movement owes its name to these
considerations, and later on its programme was drawn up in conformity with
them. They are the basis of our propaganda. In order to carry the idea of the
People's State to victory, a popular party had to be founded, a party that did
not consist of intellectual leaders only but also of manual labourers. Any
attempt to carry these theories into effect without the aid of a militant organization
would be doomed to failure to-day, as it has failed in the past and must fail
in the future. That is why the movement is not only justified but it is also
obliged to consider itself as the champion and representative of these ideas.
Just as the fundamental principles of the National Socialist Movement are based
on the folk idea, folk ideas are National Socialist. If National Socialism
would triumph it will have to hold firm to this fact unreservedly, and here
again it has not only the right but also the duty to emphasize most rigidly
that any attempt to represent the folk idea outside of the National Socialist
German Labour Party is futile and in most cases fraudulent.
If the reproach should be launched against
our movement that it has 'monopolized' the folk idea, there is only one answer
to give.
Not only have we monopolized the folk idea
but, to all practical intents and purposes, we have created it.”
Adolf Hitler
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