Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a
maniac.
Now the Truth; Read and know. CHAPTER XIIa- Need for
national resurgence.
“Looked at from the purely political point of
view, the situation in 1918 was as follows: A nation had been torn into two
parts. One part, which was by far the smaller of the two, contained the
intellectual classes of the nation from which all those employed in physical
labour were excluded. On the surface these intellectual classes appeared to be
national-minded, but that word meant nothing else to them except a very vague
and feeble concept of the duty to defend what they called the interests of the
State, which in turn seemed identical with those of the dynastic regime. This
class tried to defend its ideas and reach its aims by carrying on the fight
with the aid of intellectual weapons, which could be used only here and there
and which had only a superficial effect against the brutal measures employed by
the adversaries, in the face of which the intellectual weapons were of their
very nature bound to fail. With one violent blow the class which had hitherto
governed was now struck down. It trembled with fear and accepted every
humiliation imposed on it by the merciless victor.
Over against this class stood the broad
masses of manual labourers who were organized in movements with a more or less
radically Marxist tendency. These organized masses were firmly determined to
break any kind of intellectual resistance by the use of brute force. They had
no nationalist tendencies whatsoever and deliberately repudiated the idea of
advancing the interests of the nation as such. On the contrary, they promoted
the interests of the foreign oppressor. Numerically this class embraced the
majority of the population and, what is more important, included all those
elements of the nation without whose collaboration a national resurgence was
not only a practical impossibility but was even inconceivable.
For already in 1918 one thing had to be
clearly recognized; namely, that no resurgence of the German nation could take
place until we had first restored our national strength to face the outside
world. For this purpose arms are not the preliminary necessity, though our
bourgeois 'statesmen' always blathered about it being so; what was wanted was
will-power. At one time the German people had more than sufficient military
armament. And yet they were not able to defend their liberty because they
lacked those energies which spring from the instinct of national
self-preservation and the will to hold on to one's own. The best armament is
only dead and worthless material as long as the spirit is wanting which makes
men willing and determined to avail themselves of such weapons. Germany was
rendered defenceless not because she lacked arms, but because she lacked the
will to keep her arms for the maintenance of her people.
To-day our Left-wing politicians in
particular are constantly insisting that their craven-hearted and obsequious
foreign policy necessarily results from the disarmament of Germany, whereas the
truth is that this is the policy of traitors. To all that kind of talk the
answer ought to be: No, the contrary is the truth. Your action in delivering up
the arms was dictated by your anti-national and criminal policy of abandoning
the interests of the nation. And now you try to make people believe that your
miserable whining is fundamentally due to the fact that you have no arms. Just
like everything else in your conduct, this is a lie and a falsification of the
true reason.
But the politicians of the Right deserve
exactly the same reproach. It was through their miserable cowardice that those
ruffians of Jews who came into power in 1918 were able to rob the nation of its
arms. The conservative politicians have neither right nor reason on their side
when they appeal to disarmament as the cause which compelled them to adopt a
policy of prudence (that is to say, cowardice). Here, again, the contrary is
the truth. Disarmament is the result of their lack of spirit.
Therefore the problem of restoring Germany's
power is not a question of how can we manufacture arms but rather a question of
how we can produce that spirit which enables a people to bear arms. Once this
spirit prevails among a people then it will find a thousand ways, each of which
leads to the necessary armament. But a coward will not fire even a single shot
when attacked though he may be armed with ten pistols. For him they are of less
value than a blackthorn in the hands of a man of courage.
The problem of re-establishing the political
power of our nation is first of all a problem of restoring the instinct of
national self-preservation for if no other reason than that every preparatory
step in foreign policy and every foreign judgment on the worth of a State has
been proved by experience to be grounded not on the material size of the
armament such a State may possess but rather on the moral capacity for
resistance which such a State has or is believed to have. The question whether
or not a nation be desirable as an ally is not so much determined by the inert
mass of arms which it has at hand but by the obvious presence of a sturdy will
to national self-preservation and a heroic courage which will fight through to
the last breath. For an alliance is not made between arms but between men.
The British nation will therefore be
considered as the most valuable ally in the world as long as it can be counted
upon to show that brutality and tenacity in its government, as well as in the
spirit of the broad masses, which enables it to carry through to victory any
struggle that it once enters upon, no matter how long such a struggle may last,
or however great the sacrifice that may be necessary or whatever the means that
have to be employed; and all this even though the actual military equipment at
hand may be utterly inadequate when compared with that of other nations.
Once it is understood that the restoration of
Germany is a question of reawakening the will to political self-preservation we
shall see quite clearly that it will not be enough to win over those elements
that are already national-minded but that the deliberately anti-national masses
must be converted to believe in the national ideals.
A young movement that aims at re-establishing
a German State with full sovereign powers will therefore have to make the task
of winning over the broad masses a special objective of its plan of campaign.
Our so-called 'national bourgeoisie' are so lamentably supine, generally
speaking, and their national spirit appears so feckless, that we may feel sure
they will offer no serious resistance against a vigorous national foreign--or
domestic policy. Even though the narrow-minded German bourgeoisie should keep
up a passive resistance when the hour of deliverance is at hand, as they did in
Bismarck's time, we shall never have to fear any active resistance on their
part, because of their recognized proverbial cowardice.
It is quite different with the masses of our
population, who are imbued with ideas of internationalism. Through the
primitive roughness of their natures they are disposed to accept the preaching
of violence, while at the same time their Jewish leaders are more brutal and
ruthless. They will crush any attempt at a German revival, just as they smashed
the German Army by striking at it from the rear. Above all, these organized
masses will use their numerical majority in this Parliamentarian State not only
to hinder any national foreign policy, but also to prevent Germany from
restoring her political power and therewith her prestige abroad. Thus she
becomes excluded from the ranks of desirable allies. For it is not we ourselves
alone who are aware of the handicap that results from the existence of fifteen
million Marxists, democrats, pacifists and followers of the Centre, in our
midst, but foreign nations also recognize this internal burden which we have to
bear and take it into their calculations when estimating the value of a
possible alliance with us. Nobody would wish to form an alliance with a State
where the active portion of the population is at least passively opposed to any
resolute foreign policy.
Therefore it is not possible to think of re-establishing
German sovereignty and political independence without at the same time
reconstructing a united front within the nation, by a peaceful conversion of
the popular will.
Looked at from the standpoint of practical
ways and means, it seems absurd to think of liberating Germany from foreign
bondage as long as the masses of the people are not willing to support such an
ideal of freedom. After carefully considering this problem from the purely
military point of view, everybody, and in particular every officer, will agree
that a war cannot be waged against an outside enemy by battalions of students;
but that, together with the brains of the nation, the physical strength of the
nation is also necessary. Furthermore it must be remembered that the nation
would be robbed of its irreplaceable assets by a national defence in which only
the intellectual circles, as they are called, were engaged. The young German
intellectuals who joined the volunteer regiments and fell on the battlefields
of Flanders in the autumn of 1914 were bitterly missed later on. They were the
dearest treasure which the nation possessed and their loss could not be made
good in the course of the war. And it is not only the struggle itself which could not be waged if the working
masses of the nation did not join the storm battalions, but the necessary
technical preparations could not be made without a unified will and a common
front within the nation itself. Our nation which has to exist disarmed, under
the thousand eyes appointed by the Versailles Peace Treaty, cannot make any
technical preparations for the recovery of its freedom and human independence
until the whole army of spies employed within the country is cut down to those
few whose inborn baseness would lead them to betray anything and everything for
the proverbial thirty pieces of silver. But we can deal with such people. The
millions, however, who are opposed to every kind of national revival simply
because of their political opinions, constitute an insurmountable obstacle. At
least the obstacle will remain insurmountable as long as the cause of their
opposition, which is international Marxism, is not overcome and its teachings banished from both their hearts and heads.
From whatever point of view we may examine
the possibility of recovering our independence as a State and a people, whether
we consider the problem from the standpoint of technical rearmament or from
that of the actual struggle itself, the necessary pre-requisite always remains
the same. This pre-requisite is that the broad masses of the people must first
be won over to accept the principle of our national independence.
As early as 1919 we were convinced that the
nationalization of the masses would have to constitute the first and paramount
aim of the new movement. From the tactical standpoint, this decision laid a
certain number of obligations on our shoulders.
Adolf Hitler
Kaps
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