New Age History and Economics

The Day We See The Truth And Cease To Speak it, Is The Day We Begin To Die. MLK Jr.

Thursday, August 16, 2018

Mein Kampf Excerpts VOl II Ch 7b Bourgeoisie, Marxist and National socialist Flag.

Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a maniac.

Part (b) Bourgeoisie, Marxist and National socialist Flag;

The organization of defence guards for keeping order at our meetings threw up a very difficult question. Up till then the movement had possessed no party badge and no party flag. The lack of these tokens was not only a disadvantage at that time but would prove intolerable in the future. The disadvantages were chiefly that members of the party possessed no outward broken of membership which linked them together, and it was absolutely unthinkable that for the future they should remain without some token which would be a symbol of the movement and could be set against that of the International.

More than once in my youth the psychological importance of such a symbol had become clearly evident to me and from a sentimental point of view also it was advisable. In Berlin, after the War, I was present at a mass-demonstration of Marxists in front of the Royal Palace and in the Lustgarten. A sea of red flags, red armlets and red flowers was in itself sufficient to give that huge assembly of about 120,000 persons an outward appearance of strength. I was now able to feel and understand how easily the man in the street succumbs to the hypnotic magic of such a grandiose piece of theatrical presentation.

The bourgeoisie, which as a party neither possesses or stands for any WELTANSCHAUUNG, had therefore not a single banner. Their party was composed of 'patriots' who went about in the colours of the REICH. If these colours were the symbol of a definite WELTANSCHAUUNG then one could understand the rulers of the State regarding this flag as expressive of their own WELTANSCHAUUNG, seeing that through their efforts the official REICH flag was expressive of their own WELTANSCHAUUNG.

But in reality the position was otherwise.

The REICH was morticed together without the aid of the German bourgeoisie and the flag itself was born of the War and therefore merely a State flag possessing no importance in the sense of any particular ideological mission.

Only in one part of the German-speaking territory—in German-Austria--was there anything like a bourgeois party flag in evidence. Here a section of the national bourgeoisie selected the 1848 colours (black, red and gold) as their party flag and therewith created a symbol which, though of no importance from a weltanschauliche viewpoint, had, nevertheless, a revolutionary character from a national point of view. The most bitter opponents of this flag at that time, and this should not be forgotten to-day, were the Social Democrats and the Christian Socialists or clericals. They, in particular, were the ones who degraded and besmirched these colours in the same way as in 1918 they dragged black, white and red into the gutter. Of course, the black, red and gold of the German parties in the old Austria were the colours of the year 1848: that is to say, of a period likely to be regarded as somewhat visionary, but it was a period that had honest German souls as its representatives, although the Jews were lurking unseen as wire-pullers in the background. It was high treason and the shameful enslavement of the German territory that first of all made these colours so attractive to the Marxists of the Centre Party; so much so that to-day they revere them as their most cherished possession and use them as their own banners for the protection of the flag they once foully besmirched.

It is a fact, therefore, that, up till 1920, in opposition to the Marxists there was no flag that would have stood for a consolidated resistance to them. For even if the better political elements of the German bourgeoisie were loath to accept the suddenly discovered black, red and gold colours as their symbol after the year 1918, they nevertheless were incapable of counteracting this with a future programme of their own that would correspond to the new trend of affairs. At the most, they had a reconstruction of the old REICH in mind.

And it is to this way of thinking that the black, white and red colours of the old REICH are indebted for their resurrection as the flag of our so-called national bourgeois parties.

It was obvious that the symbol of a régime which had been overthrown by the Marxists under inglorious circumstances was not now worthy to serve as a banner under which the same Marxism was to be crushed in its turn. However much any decent German may love and revere those old colours, glorious when placed side by side in their youthful freshness, when he had fought under them and seen the sacrifice of so many lives, that flag had little value for the struggle of the future.

In our Movement I have always adopted the standpoint that it was a really lucky thing for the German nation that it had lost its old flag (Note 18). This standpoint of mine was in strong contrast to that of the bourgeois politicians. It may be immaterial to us what the Republic does under its flag. But let us be deeply grateful to fate for having so graciously spared the most glorious war flag for all time from becoming an ignominious rag. The REICH of to-day, which sells itself and its people, must never be allowed to adopt the honourable and heroic black, white and red colours.

[Note 18. The flag of the German Empire, founded in 1871, was Black-White-Red. This was discarded in 1918 and Black-Red-Gold was chosen as the flag of the German Republic founded at Weimar in 1919. The flag designed by Hitler--red with a white disc in the centre, bearing the black swastika--is now the national flag.]

As long as the November outrage endures, that outrage may continue to bear its own external sign and not steal that of an honourable past. Our bourgeois politicians should awaken their consciences to the fact that whoever desires this State to have the black, white and red colours is pilfering from the past. The old flag was suitable only for the old REICH and, thank Heaven, the Republic chose the colours best suited to itself.

This was also the reason why we National Socialists recognized that hoisting the old colours would be no symbol of our special aims; for we had no wish to resurrect from the dead the old REICH which had been ruined through its own blunders, but to build up a new State.

The Movement which is fighting Marxism to-day along these lines must display on its banner the symbol of the new State.

The question of the new flag, that is to say the form and appearance it must take, kept us very busy in those days. Suggestions poured in from all quarters, which although well meant were more or less impossible in practice. The new flag had not only to become a symbol expressing our own struggle but on the other hand it was necessary that it should prove effective as a large poster. All those who busy themselves with the tastes of the public will recognize and appreciate the great importance of these apparently petty matters. In hundreds of thousands of cases a really striking emblem may be the first cause of awakening interest in a movement.

For this reason we declined all suggestions from various quarters for identifying our movement by means of a white flag with the old State or rather with those decrepit parties whose sole political objective is the restoration of past conditions. And, apart from this, white is not a colour capable of attracting and focusing public attention. It is a colour suitable only for young women's associations and not for a movement that stands for reform in a revolutionary period.

Black was also suggested--certainly well-suited to the times, but embodying no significance to empress the will behind our movement. And, finally, black is incapable of attracting attention.

White and blue was discarded, despite its admirable aesthetic appeal—as being the colours of an individual German Federal State--a State that, unfortunately, through its political attitude of particular narrow-mindedness did not enjoy a good reputation. And, generally speaking, with these colours it would have been difficult to attract attention to our movement. The same applies to black and white.

Black, red and gold did not enter the question at all.

And this also applies to black, white and red for reasons already stated. At least, not in the form hitherto in use. But the effectiveness of these three colours is far superior to all the others and they are certainly the most strikingly harmonious combination to be found.

I myself was always for keeping the old colours, not only because I, as a soldier, regarded them as my most sacred possession, but because in their aesthetic effect, they conformed more than anything else to my personal taste. Accordingly I had to discard all the innumerable suggestions and designs which had been proposed for the new movement, among which were many that had incorporated the swastika into the old colours. I, as leader, was unwilling to make public my own design, as it was possible that someone else could come forward with a design just as good, if not better, than my own. As a matter of fact, a dental surgeon from Starnberg submitted a good design very similar to mine, with only one mistake, in that his swastika with curved corners was set upon a white background.

After innumerable trials I decided upon a final form--a flag of red material with a white disc bearing in its centre a black swastika. After many trials I obtained the correct proportions between the dimensions of the flag and of the white central disc, as well as that of the swastika. And this is how it has remained ever since.

At the same time we immediately ordered the corresponding armlets for our squad of men who kept order at meetings, armlets of red material, a central white disc with the black swastika upon it. Herr Füss, a Munich goldsmith, supplied the first practical and permanent design.

The new flag appeared in public in the midsummer of 1920. It suited our movement admirably, both being new and young. Not a soul had seen this flag before; its effect at that time was something akin to that of a blazing torch. We ourselves experienced almost a boyish delight when one of the ladies of the party who had been entrusted with the making of the flag finally handed it over to us. And a few months later those of us in Munich were in possession of six of these flags. The steadily increasing strength of our hall guards was a main factor in popularizing the symbol.

And indeed a symbol it proved to be.

Not only because it incorporated those revered colours expressive of our homage to the glorious past and which once brought so much honour to the German nation, but this symbol was also an eloquent expression of the will behind the movement. We National Socialists regarded our flag as being the embodiment of our party programme. The red expressed the social thought underlying the movement. White the national thought. And the swastika signified the mission allotted to us--the struggle for the victory of Aryan mankind and at the same time the triumph of the ideal of creative work which is in itself and always will be anti-Semitic.

Two years later, when our squad of hall guards had long since grown into storm detachments, it seemed necessary to give this defensive organization of a young WELTANSCHAUUNG a particular symbol of victory, namely a Standard. I also designed this and entrusted the execution of it to an old party comrade, Herr Gahr, who was a goldsmith. Ever since that time this Standard has been the distinctive token of the National Socialist struggle.

The increasing interest taken in our meetings, particularly during 1920, compelled us at times to hold two meetings a week. Crowds gathered round our posters; the large meeting halls in the town were always filled and tens of thousands of people, who had been led astray by the teachings of Marxism, found their way to us and assisted in the work of fighting for the liberation of the REICH. The public in Munich had got to know us. We were being spoken about. The words 'National Socialist' had become common property to many and signified for them a definite party programme. Our circle of supporters and even of members was constantly increasing, so that in the winter of 1920-21 we were able to appear as a strong party in Munich.

At that time there was no party in Munich with the exception of the Marxist parties--certainly no nationalist party--which was able to hold such mass demonstrations as ours. The Munich Kindl Hall, which held 5,000 people, was more than once overcrowded and up till then there was only one other hall, the Krone Circus Hall, into which we had not ventured.

Adolf Hitler

Wednesday, August 1, 2018

Truth about Majdanek

"There is nothing more frightening than active ignorance." -- Goethe
"The search for truth is never wrong.  The only sin is to lack the courage to follow where truth leads." -- Duke

Lies Being taught;
Majdanek was an extermination camp by Hitler where more than 200,000 Jews were gassed.

Now the truth;

Majdanek was one of the labor camps on the outskirts of Lublin, Poland.  The camp operated from October 1, 1941 until July 22, 1944, when it was captured nearly intact by the advancing Soviet Communist Red Army.

The name 'Majdanek' ("little Majdan") derives from the nearby Majdan Tatarski district of Lublin, and was given to the camp in 1941 by the locals, who were aware of its existence.  Majdanek was first a Prisoner of War Camp of the Waffen-SS in Lublin from October 1, 1941 until February 16, 1943.  The first prisoners were Russian prisoners of war.  After February 16, 1942, when prisoners of war became the minority among the inmates, it was renamed "Konzentrationslager Lublin" (Concentration Camp Lublin).

Among German Nazi concentration camps, Majdanek was unusual in that it was located near a major city.

Following the large numbers of Soviet prisoners of war captured during the Battle of Kiev, the camp war ordered to begin construction in order to house up to 50,000 and construction for that many began on 1 October 1941 (as it did also in Auschwitz-Birkenau, which had received the same order).

Construction began with 150 Jewish laborers from the Globocnik's Lublin camp, where the laborers then returned each night. Later the workforce included 2,000 Soviet Communist POWs.  In mid-December, barracks for only 20,000 were ready when a typhus epidemic broke out, and by January 1942 all the laborers—POWs as well as Jews—were dead. All work ceased until March 1942, when new prisoners arrived. The camp never housed more than 23,000 prisoners at one time.

Labor at Majdanek primarily was at the Steyr-Daimler-Puch weapons/munitions factory.

By mid-October 1942 the camp held 9,519 registered prisoners, of which 7,468 (or 78.45%) were Jews, and another 1,884 (19.79%) were non-Jewish Poles. By August 1943, there were 16,206 prisoners in the main camp, of which 9,105 (56.18%) were Jews and 3,893 (24.02%) were non-Jewish Poles.  The Jews mainly came from Lublin and Warsaw but Jews from Slovakia and Czechia were deported to Majdanek in 1942. Jews from Western European countries were also among the inmates. Many of them were transferred to Majdanek via Auschwitz.  In late July 1944, with Soviet forces rapidly approached Lublin, the Germans hastily evacuated the camp. The communist troops arrived on July 22, 1944, making Majdanek the best-preserved camp in the German Concentration Camp system. It was the first major concentration camp liberated by Allied forces.

Jewish Version
The German concentration camp at Majdanek was originally constructed on the outskirts of Lublin in October, 1941 as a prisoner-of-war camp.

In October, 1942, a gassing facility was installed consisting of crude wooden barracks. Later, more sophisticated concrete chambers were constructed with air-tight steel doors. Initially, carbon monoxide gas was utilized; later, after their successful use at Belzek, Zyklon-B gas cannisters were implemented. Those able to work were assigned to agricultural and forestry work details. Those too sick, too weak, too young or too old to work were sent directly to the gas chambers.

By the fall of 1943, 200,000 had been gassed. Many thousands of others died from 
exposure, beatings, epidemics and starvation.

OUR NOTE:  They want us to believe that almost 20,000 Jews were killed a month.  Where are the bodies?  It's impossible to burn, bury, or dispose of this many bodies in this amount of time!  The lie is so fantastic, so ridiculous, so outrageous.  Yet the world doesn't question, only believes.

In late 1943, plans were made to dismantle the camp. At that time there were several thousand Jews still in the camp. 17,000 were shot as part of a larger program, referred to euphemistically as the Erntefest, or Fall Harvest. Majdanek was evacuated in April, 1944 in advance of the Soviet capture of Lublin.


A short survey of the history of Majdanek
 by Jürgen Graf
Delivered at Adelaide Institute"s International Revisionist Symposium, 8 August 1998.

In July 1941, Himmler visited the city of Lublin. On the 21st , he ordered the construction of a concentration camp big enough to harbour 25,000--50,000 inmates who would be put to work in nearby factories and workshops directed by the SS and the police.  Himmler's personal confidant, SS-Brigadeführer Odilo Globocnik, immediately settled down to work and started organizing the building of a new camp on the south-eastern edge of Lublin, about 5 kilometers from the center of the city.

The camp was built on a large plane situated between the city of Lublin to the north and the hamlets of Abramowic and Dziesiata to the south. Undoubtedly, this choice was motivated by practical reasons. As the railway station of the city of Lublin was only a couple of kilometers away, the arriving prisoners could be lead to the camp on foot. Moreover, the barracks were built in the immediate neighborhood of a former airfield where the Deutsche Ausrüstungswerke, a mighty industrial complex, planned to set up the workshops and factories in which the future inmates of the camp would work for the benefit of the Reich.

Even the most superficial observer could hardly fail to notice the existence of this camp. Jozef Marszalek, the official historian of Majdanek, unmistakably states:
"The whole area is completely open. There are no natural obstacles in the shape of rivers or forests. As to its geographical location, the camp was visible from all sides."
Of course, for an "extermination camp" this was the most impossible choice on earth as mass murders in Majdanek could not have been held secret for more than a couple of days. When asked why there is not a single German document proving that even one single Jew was gassed at Majdanek -- or, indeed, in any concentration camp --, the orthodox historians who defend the gas chamber story argue that the Germans, who wanted to conceal their atrocities, gave their gassing orders orally or used a coded language in their documents. The same historians claim that the Germans set up a death factory in the immediate vicinity of a large city and two hamlets from where everybody could observe what was going on 

Viewed from the air

Panorama of Lublin as seen from the camp in 2007
According to the first known plan, drawn on 7 October 1941, the camp was to be subdivided into ten units called "fields". (No similar arrangement existed in any other German concentration camp.) By the end of November, the first row of barracks was completed on field I. Whereas simple manual tasks were always performed by the prisoners themselves, skilled workers were often provided by private firms which were predominantly Polish. Documents found in the archives of the city of Lublin prove that no fewer than 22 such firms worked on behalf of the "Zentralbauleitung der Waffen-SS und Polizei Lublin", the organization entrusted with the building of the camp. One Michal Ochnik, director of a Polish firm, organized the construction of the delousing chambers which, according to the orthodox historians, were also used as homicidal gas chambers for the extermination of Jews. The Polish civilian workers, who were working side by side with the prisoners, left the camp in the evening and returned to their families. It goes without saying that they would immediately have been informed of human gassings or other mass murders, and within days, the news would have spread all over Poland.

From the very beginning, the civilian authorities in Lublin frowned upon the arising of so big a camp in the immediate neighborhood of the city. They argued that Majdanek would require enormous amounts of coal, gas and electricity, thus jeopardizing the supply of the civilian population. In March 1942, the vice--mayor of Lublin, Steinbach, vetoed the connection of the camp to the sewerage system of the city. This decision had dire consequences for the prisoners as the hygienic conditions prevailing in the camp baffled description and lead to an enormously high death rate. In May 1942, a group of sanitary experts from the Berlin Institute of Hygienics castigated the disastrous sanitary situation and demanded the immediate linking of Majdanek to the urban sewerage system.

Another two months later, the Zentralbauleitung acceded to this demand, and in January 1943, the work was completed. By the autumn of 1943, all barracks had running water.

The majority of the inmates were Jewish and non-Jewish Polish citizens. From spring 1942, large numbers of short--term prisoners were sent to the camp. They were called "zakladnicy", hostages. These "hostages" were civilians arrested in retaliation to armed attacks committed by the resistance against German soldiers. Usually, they were released after a couple of weeks. They were rarely forced to work.

Towards the end of its existence, Majdanek once more changed its character. It became a kind of "hospital camp" to which sick prisoners from numerous other camps were transferred. When the Red army entered the outskirts of Lublin on July 22, 1944, the camp only contained 1500 prisoners; the rest had been evacuated by the withdrawing Germans.

The never--completed camp of Majdanek remained a huge and ugly torso which disfigures the southern outskirts of Lublin up to the present day. For over fifty years, this ungainly torso has been used to perpetuate hatred of the German nation. From the very beginning, the Poles resorted to shabby tricks to present the camp as an "extermination center". Even today, shuddering visitors look at towering piles of shoes which the propaganda depicts as having belonged to murdered inmates. In reality, the Germans had set up a big cobbler workshop on field VI where worn--out shoes were sent from the Eastern front for repair. This was admitted by Polish historian Zdzislaw Lukaszkiewicz as early as 1948.

Pictures like this pile of shoes was used to "prove" the "murder" of Jews.  From the very beginning, the Poles resorted to shabby tricks to present the camp as an "extermination center". Even today, shuddering visitors look at towering piles of shoes which the propaganda depicts as having belonged to murdered inmates. In reality, the Germans had set up a big cobbler workshop where worn--out shoes were sent from the Eastern front for repair. This was admitted by Polish historian Zdzislaw Lukaszkiewicz as early as 1948 Yet the falsehood continues.

One "Jewish" holocaust site says that "800,000" pairs of shoes were found by the Russians when the camp was liberated.  The site at least also says that Majdanek had a shoe repair shop for the boots of German soldiers but then also claims that it also worked on the shoes of murdered Jews so they could be distributed to German civilians. and Lies Continue.

The number of the victims

One single example will amply suffice to illustrate the dishonest methods resorted to by Marszalek (director of the Majdanek Museum who claimed that 200,000 had been murdered and an additional 160,000 died from other causes). On page 124 of the English version of his book, he mentions a secret letter written to Himmler by Oswald Pohl on September 30, 1943, in which Pohl referred to the mortality rate of the concentration camps. According to this letter, 53,309 prisoners had died in all 17 camps together during the first six months of 1943. Being strictly confidential, this letter cannot possible have been written for propaganda purposes, so we can safely assume that the figures were correct. On the very same page of his book where he quotes Pohl's letter, Marszalek writes that during the first nine months of 1943, an average of 300 prisoners died at Majdanek every day which means that the death toll from the beginning of January until the end of June must have been 54,000. Consequently, Marszalek's death figure for Majdanek alone is higher than the documented one for all 17 camps together! So much for the scientific value of Marszalek's book.

Some years ago, the official figure was reduced again. In 1992, Polish historian Czeslaw Rajca candidly admitted that the number of the victims had been been inflated for purely political purposes. The real figure, he assured, was about 235,000. Rajca wrote:
"Owing to the lack of documents about the dimension of the crimes perpetrated at Majdanek, the only rational way to ascertain the death figure consists in subtracting from the total number of prisoners those who were transferred to other places, released or managed to escape."
According to the official Polish literature, 45,000 prisoners were transferred to other camps, 20,000 were released, 1500 succeeded in escaping and another 1500 were liberated by the Red Army in July 1944. The figure of the transferred prisoners is largely documented as they were registered in the camps they were sent to. Although the Polish literature does not disclose on what documents the figure of 20,000 inmates released by the Germans is based, I accept it because I cannot see any possible motive to exaggerate it for political reasons. On the contrary, it is a cogent argument against the extermination theory: every released prisoner would either have personally witnessed mass murders or at least heard about them from his fellow-inmates. In other words, the Polish historians tell us that the same Germans who were so eager to hush up the mass gassings that they never issued a single written gassing order were stupid enough to release 20,000 witnesses of their atrocities so that they could tell the whole world what they had seen or heard!

In spite of the fragmentary character of the documentation which survived the war, it is possible to determine the death figure quite accurately on the basis of altogether eight documents: 1) The Totenbuch for the months from May to September 1942. 2) The "Totenmeldung für die Effektenkammer" for some days in autumn 1942. 3) The list of prisoners deceased in November and December 1942. 4) The "Stärkemeldung" (force of the camp) for some days in 1942. 5) A register of prisoners deceased in October 1943. 6) The Totenbuch for March and April 1943. 7) The Nuremberg document NO--5194. 8) The Nuremberg document PS--1469.

Between October and December 1941, about 700 prisoners died at Majdanek. In 1942, the approximate figure was 17,244, in 1943, 22,339 and between January and July 1944, 1900. The relatively low figure for 1944 is largely due to the fact that the Germans started evacuating the camp already in the beginning of the year -- which, by the way, did not prevent them from still transferring new prisoners to Majdanek, especially sick ones who were unable to work. Had they really pursued an extermination policy, they would surely have disposed of these sick people in their respective camps rather than bothering to send them to Majdanek. Altogether, about 42,200 prisoners perished in the Lublin camp. While this figure is still appallingly high,

it should be borne in mind that about as many German civilians were burnt alive or buried alive under the rubble of their houses in Hamburg within a few days in July 1943.

In World War Two, both the Western Allies and the Soviets committed by far more terrible crimes than the Germans.

Diseases, especially spotted typhus, but also tuberculosis and dysentery, were the main cause of the extremely high mortality rate at Majdanek. These diseases were above all provoked by the atrocious sanitary conditions; as I have pointed out before, the barracks did not have running water before autumn 1943. This made any efficient struggle against the typhus--bearing lice and other vermin impossible. The harsh and often inhuman working conditions -- especially during the first phase, the one of the construction of the camp -- also claimed countless lives.

According to Pohl's letter to Himmler, which was later presented in Nuremberg as document PS--1469, no less than 7.67% of the male and 4.41% of the female prisoners died in August 1943. At that time, Majdanek was by far deadlier than Auschwitz where the mortality rate amounted to 3% for the men and to 3.61% for the women. In the same month, not a single prisoner died in the camp of Hertogenbosch in Holland which harboured 2500 inmates, and in Dachau 40 prisoners out of 17,500 perished, the mortality rate thus being 0.25%. Majdanek was not a typical German concentration camp. It was the worst of them all.

The Gas Chambers

Among the members of the Polish-Soviet commission, which established the official version of the gassings (after the war), there were professors of chemistry and engineering. It goes without saying that these qualified scientists and technicians knew exactly how Zyklon-B was used and were not silly enough to repeat the naive fairy tale non--scientist Simonov had been imprudent enough to tell his readers. Consequently, the commission hastily ordered openings to be made in the ceilings of the rooms christened homicidal gas chambers. Unfortunately, they forgot to order this in the case of gas chamber number three, a room measuring 35,2 m2 which undoubtedly served as a delousing chambers, as the blue colouration of the walls attests. The Polish historians claim that the Germans threw the Zyklon-B pellets on the heads of the inmates before closing the steel door. Jean--Claude Pressac comments:
"It is frankly unrealistic to imagine an SS-man with a gas mask and a can of Zyklon-B in his hand throwing the pellets into a space of 30 cm between the heads of the victims and the ceiling -- the pellets might have fallen on the floor in front of the gas chamber -- and subsequently trying to slam the door without the doomed inmates making a desperate attempt to break out."

The revisionists could not have formulated it better

The fourth and last gas chamber, which is situated immediately beside the bath, measures 107.7 m2. Its walls have an intense blue coloration. There are two round openings in the ceiling.

I vividly remember our second visit to that gas chamber on the 27th June last year. A class of German schoolchildren was attentively listening to their teacher who explained how the unfortunate Jews met their ghastly fate in this gas chamber. Not one of the children, let alone the teacher, noticed the presence of a large window in this very room. Now, the first thing the inmates of the gas chamber would have done was to break the window. The possible objection that the window might not yet have existed during the war is at once refuted by the fact that the wooden sill is covered by blue spots which means that the window was already there when the Zyklon-B was used. The only possible conclusion is that this room did indeed serve as a gas chamber but only for lice and fleas -- exactly as it is testified by the surviving German documents according to which all gas chambers served for disinfesting purposes and for nothing else.

The experience with the German school children was very depressing indeed. It dramatically shows to what extent otherwise reasonable human beings can be stultified by cunning propaganda and to what extent our logical reasoning can be obscured by pseudo-religious creeds. The Holocaust myth, which cannot possibly be defended by logical arguments, can only survive as a religion. The Jews have understood this. Their answer to the Rudolf Report was Schindlers List.

The origin of the gas chamber story

Popular superstition has it that the Nazi concentration camps were strictly isolated places and that everything going on in these camps was a state secret. This is generally not true, and in the case of Majdanek, it is simply utter rubbish. The perpetual transfer of prisoners to other camps, the remarkably high number of inmates released (20'000 according to official Polish sources!), the immediate vicinity of a big city and the permanent presence of civil workers -- all this made it radically impossible to conceal what was happening within the camp.

After Poland was overrun by German and Soviet armies in September 1939, the Warsaw government fled to London. In the German-occupied territories, a kind of shadow government which called itself "Delegatura" was soon set up. It provided the London-based exile government with an incessant flow of information about the events in Poland and closely cooperated with the various resistance movements, especially the pro--estern Armija Krajowa ("Country Army"). Since the concentration camps set up by the Germans were of special interest to both the government in exile and the resistance fighters, many of the reports sent to London dealt with these camps.

In 1973, Polish historians Krystyna Marczewska and Wladyslaw Wazniewski published a long article containing the reports about Majdanek the Delegatura transmitted to London between November 30, 1941, and July 7, 1944.

The first mention of a gas chamber occurred in a short report dating from December 15, 1942 and consisted of one single phrase:

"A gas chamber and a crematorium are in operation."

This is the crematoria as found by the Russians

Did people die at Majdanek?  Of course!  Even German guards died.  How were their bodies taken care of?  Cremated, just like people are cremated today.

This is the "reconstructed" crematoria that visitors see today
How did people die at Majdanek?  Typhus killed a bunch, so did other diseases including dysentery. Not by gassing.

Now, you would assume that the appearance of such an outlandish and fiendish murder weapon would create an outpouring of indignation, but strangely enough the Delegatura contented itself with this one laconic sentence. For the next five months, the gas chamber was never alluded to again in the no less than 25 reports the Delegatura wrote about Majdanek between December 15, 1942, and May 7, 1943. Especially noteworthy was an extremely long, detailed and highly accurate description of the Lublin camp which originated at the end of January or the beginning of February 1943. The authors dedicated a short chapter to the fate of the Jewish prisoners who, as they correctly pointed out, were treated much worse than the Poles. Not a single reference to a homicidal gas chamber or mass killings occurred in this report.

Now, the gassings are said to have started in September or October 1942. For the reasons already stated, it would have been totally unthinkable to conceal such a crime for more than a few days.

Of course, all of you are familiar with Arthur Butz's legendary utterance: "I see no elephant in my basement. If there were an elephant in my basement, I would certainly see it. Therefore, there is no elephant in my basement."

It would have been impossible to conceal mass gassings at Majdanek. The Delegatura, which was exceedingly well informed about the camp, didn't talk mass gassings at Majdanek during the first seven months of their alleged existence (except for the laconic and inconclusive reference to a gas chamber in the report dated December 15, 1920). Therefore, no mass gassings occurred at Majdanek!

On May 7, 1943, the gassing propaganda started as a psychological weapon against the Germans, and the gas chambers were regularly mentioned in the subsequent Delegatura reports. Neither the location of the gas chambers nor the killing process were ever described in any detail.

The first detailed description of Majdanek as an extermination center was published by one Abraham Silberschein, a Geneva-based Jew, in the first half of 1944. According to him, no less than two million people had been slaughtered in the Lublin camp by then. Characteristically, barrack 41 where four gas chambers were located according to the later version of the story was never referred to by Silberschein.

After the liberation of the camp, the Polish-Soviet commission accused the Germans of having murdered 1,7 million people at Majdanek, gassing having been one of the most commonly used killing methods. To substantiate this terrible accusation, the commission quoted exactly four German prisoners (who were later executed after a Stalinist--type show trial) and nine former inmates of the camp! These witnesses testified to 19 gassing actions with somewhat over 4000 victims. With one exception (Theo Schölen), they always spoke of the gas chamber in the singular. None of them ever located the position of the gas chamber, none of them mentioned carbon monoxide nor Zyklon-B as the murder weapon. Obviously, the witnesses did not know exactly what they were supposed to tell. The commission had undoubtedly interviewed more than nine former prisoners, but evidently the statements of the other ones were even more inconclusive so the commission did not even bother to quote them.

SS--Rottenführer Theo Schölen confessed:
"I know that people were systematically being killed in the gas chambers [plural]. Prisoners under my command told me that they had themselves witnessed the choking of over 150 children in the gas chamber [singular]."
So the SS had learned about the gassings from the prisoners!

Crematoria ovens used to cremate the dead
This does not prove intentional "gassing" of Jews!
Just disposal of the dead...who died of typhus, starvation from cut supply lines, and other causes.

Why cremate?

It is claimed that the Nazis used cremation- a very inefficient method for disposing of millions of corpses-for the purpose of causing the bodies to vanish without a trace, thus destroying evidence of the genocide crime.

Most people, not being familiar with the cremation process, assume that cremation reduces a corpse completely to ashes. This is not the case. I have been informed by an undertaker that cremation reduces the soft tissues to ash but not the bones. The bones must then be ground up in a machine built for the purpose. The "ashes" of a cremated corpse consist mostly of ground bone, some pieces being "as long as one-half inch."

It would not make sense to cremate millions of corpses and then bury the bones in mass graves. One would simply bury the corpses, as the corpses would take up little more space, especially if emaciated, than the bones alone.

Therefore, if the Nazis had murdered and cremated millions of Jews, they must have ground the bones and there would exist today vast deposits of bone in areas where the camps were located.

Barbara B. ClarkeSan Diego, Calif.