New Age History and Economics

The Day We See The Truth And Cease To Speak it, Is The Day We Begin To Die. MLK Jr.

Monday, January 16, 2017

Mein kampf-Ch XIIa-need for national resurgence

Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a maniac.

Now the Truth; Read and know. CHAPTER XIIa- Need for national resurgence.
“Looked at from the purely political point of view, the situation in 1918 was as follows: A nation had been torn into two parts. One part, which was by far the smaller of the two, contained the intellectual classes of the nation from which all those employed in physical labour were excluded. On the surface these intellectual classes appeared to be national-minded, but that word meant nothing else to them except a very vague and feeble concept of the duty to defend what they called the interests of the State, which in turn seemed identical with those of the dynastic regime. This class tried to defend its ideas and reach its aims by carrying on the fight with the aid of intellectual weapons, which could be used only here and there and which had only a superficial effect against the brutal measures employed by the adversaries, in the face of which the intellectual weapons were of their very nature bound to fail. With one violent blow the class which had hitherto governed was now struck down. It trembled with fear and accepted every humiliation imposed on it by the merciless victor.

Over against this class stood the broad masses of manual labourers who were organized in movements with a more or less radically Marxist tendency. These organized masses were firmly determined to break any kind of intellectual resistance by the use of brute force. They had no nationalist tendencies whatsoever and deliberately repudiated the idea of advancing the interests of the nation as such. On the contrary, they promoted the interests of the foreign oppressor. Numerically this class embraced the majority of the population and, what is more important, included all those elements of the nation without whose collaboration a national resurgence was not only a practical impossibility but was even inconceivable.

For already in 1918 one thing had to be clearly recognized; namely, that no resurgence of the German nation could take place until we had first restored our national strength to face the outside world. For this purpose arms are not the preliminary necessity, though our bourgeois 'statesmen' always blathered about it being so; what was wanted was will-power. At one time the German people had more than sufficient military armament. And yet they were not able to defend their liberty because they lacked those energies which spring from the instinct of national self-preservation and the will to hold on to one's own. The best armament is only dead and worthless material as long as the spirit is wanting which makes men willing and determined to avail themselves of such weapons. Germany was rendered defenceless not because she lacked arms, but because she lacked the will to keep her arms for the maintenance of her people.

To-day our Left-wing politicians in particular are constantly insisting that their craven-hearted and obsequious foreign policy necessarily results from the disarmament of Germany, whereas the truth is that this is the policy of traitors. To all that kind of talk the answer ought to be: No, the contrary is the truth. Your action in delivering up the arms was dictated by your anti-national and criminal policy of abandoning the interests of the nation. And now you try to make people believe that your miserable whining is fundamentally due to the fact that you have no arms. Just like everything else in your conduct, this is a lie and a falsification of the true reason.

But the politicians of the Right deserve exactly the same reproach. It was through their miserable cowardice that those ruffians of Jews who came into power in 1918 were able to rob the nation of its arms. The conservative politicians have neither right nor reason on their side when they appeal to disarmament as the cause which compelled them to adopt a policy of prudence (that is to say, cowardice). Here, again, the contrary is the truth. Disarmament is the result of their lack of spirit.

Therefore the problem of restoring Germany's power is not a question of how can we manufacture arms but rather a question of how we can produce that spirit which enables a people to bear arms. Once this spirit prevails among a people then it will find a thousand ways, each of which leads to the necessary armament. But a coward will not fire even a single shot when attacked though he may be armed with ten pistols. For him they are of less value than a blackthorn in the hands of a man of courage.

The problem of re-establishing the political power of our nation is first of all a problem of restoring the instinct of national self-preservation for if no other reason than that every preparatory step in foreign policy and every foreign judgment on the worth of a State has been proved by experience to be grounded not on the material size of the armament such a State may possess but rather on the moral capacity for resistance which such a State has or is believed to have. The question whether or not a nation be desirable as an ally is not so much determined by the inert mass of arms which it has at hand but by the obvious presence of a sturdy will to national self-preservation and a heroic courage which will fight through to the last breath. For an alliance is not made between arms but between men.

The British nation will therefore be considered as the most valuable ally in the world as long as it can be counted upon to show that brutality and tenacity in its government, as well as in the spirit of the broad masses, which enables it to carry through to victory any struggle that it once enters upon, no matter how long such a struggle may last, or however great the sacrifice that may be necessary or whatever the means that have to be employed; and all this even though the actual military equipment at hand may be utterly inadequate when compared with that of other nations.

Once it is understood that the restoration of Germany is a question of reawakening the will to political self-preservation we shall see quite clearly that it will not be enough to win over those elements that are already national-minded but that the deliberately anti-national masses must be converted to believe in the national ideals.

A young movement that aims at re-establishing a German State with full sovereign powers will therefore have to make the task of winning over the broad masses a special objective of its plan of campaign. Our so-called 'national bourgeoisie' are so lamentably supine, generally speaking, and their national spirit appears so feckless, that we may feel sure they will offer no serious resistance against a vigorous national foreign--or domestic policy. Even though the narrow-minded German bourgeoisie should keep up a passive resistance when the hour of deliverance is at hand, as they did in Bismarck's time, we shall never have to fear any active resistance on their part, because of their recognized proverbial cowardice.

It is quite different with the masses of our population, who are imbued with ideas of internationalism. Through the primitive roughness of their natures they are disposed to accept the preaching of violence, while at the same time their Jewish leaders are more brutal and ruthless. They will crush any attempt at a German revival, just as they smashed the German Army by striking at it from the rear. Above all, these organized masses will use their numerical majority in this Parliamentarian State not only to hinder any national foreign policy, but also to prevent Germany from restoring her political power and therewith her prestige abroad. Thus she becomes excluded from the ranks of desirable allies. For it is not we ourselves alone who are aware of the handicap that results from the existence of fifteen million Marxists, democrats, pacifists and followers of the Centre, in our midst, but foreign nations also recognize this internal burden which we have to bear and take it into their calculations when estimating the value of a possible alliance with us. Nobody would wish to form an alliance with a State where the active portion of the population is at least passively opposed to any resolute foreign policy.

Therefore it is not possible to think of re-establishing German sovereignty and political independence without at the same time reconstructing a united front within the nation, by a peaceful conversion of the popular will.

Looked at from the standpoint of practical ways and means, it seems absurd to think of liberating Germany from foreign bondage as long as the masses of the people are not willing to support such an ideal of freedom. After carefully considering this problem from the purely military point of view, everybody, and in particular every officer, will agree that a war cannot be waged against an outside enemy by battalions of students; but that, together with the brains of the nation, the physical strength of the nation is also necessary. Furthermore it must be remembered that the nation would be robbed of its irreplaceable assets by a national defence in which only the intellectual circles, as they are called, were engaged. The young German intellectuals who joined the volunteer regiments and fell on the battlefields of Flanders in the autumn of 1914 were bitterly missed later on. They were the dearest treasure which the nation possessed and their loss could not be made good in the course of the war. And it is not only the struggle itself which could not be waged if the working masses of the nation did not join the storm battalions, but the necessary technical preparations could not be made without a unified will and a common front within the nation itself. Our nation which has to exist disarmed, under the thousand eyes appointed by the Versailles Peace Treaty, cannot make any technical preparations for the recovery of its freedom and human independence until the whole army of spies employed within the country is cut down to those few whose inborn baseness would lead them to betray anything and everything for the proverbial thirty pieces of silver. But we can deal with such people. The millions, however, who are opposed to every kind of national revival simply because of their political opinions, constitute an insurmountable obstacle. At least the obstacle will remain insurmountable as long as the cause of their opposition, which is international Marxism, is not overcome and its teachings banished from both their hearts and heads.

From whatever point of view we may examine the possibility of recovering our independence as a State and a people, whether we consider the problem from the standpoint of technical rearmament or from that of the actual struggle itself, the necessary pre-requisite always remains the same. This pre-requisite is that the broad masses of the people must first be won over to accept the principle of our national independence.

As early as 1919 we were convinced that the nationalization of the masses would have to constitute the first and paramount aim of the new movement. From the tactical standpoint, this decision laid a certain number of obligations on our shoulders.


Adolf Hitler
Kaps

Sunday, January 1, 2017

Black Sunday


BLACK SUNDAY
September 3, 1939

Lies Being Taught;
For decades now the world has had it rammed down our throats that the Germans were evil in the years leading up to World War II and of course during the war years.
Germans kill.  Germans hate.  Germans are evil, evil, EVIL!
Now the truth;
This video is graphic

Amazing Adolf Hitler Speech - Bromberg Massacres - 1939

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tran_0-lC5c

Even Hitler couldn't believe the atrocities committed by the Poles
 
We can't imagine that Germans were actually victims. Because the Jewish led media propaganda has led you to believe that Germans only kill.  You cannot believe, and many people, won't believe, the truth.  Like Pavlov's dogs, at the mere mentions of the word, "German," you're ready to believe the worst.  Germans are not murdered, raped, nailed to barn doors and hacked to death.  Germans are not the victims of "ethnic cleansing" by their neighbors.  The Jewish led media has fed you lies for decades, and you've swallowed those lies.
Even if shown the proof in black in white, a lot of people don't care
They had it coming.  That's what many people think.
You better be careful.  That's what the Muslim's are thinking about you today.
You have it coming
That's what Muslim's think
Bloody Sunday just may happen again in the United States of America post Sept. 11, 2001
***You've been warned***
Look at these pictures, read these first-hand accounts and ask yourself
What would I have done if I had been the leader of Germany?
The pictures on this page will be graphic.
But they tell a story that you won't get in your history books.
Why did Hitler and the German people enter Poland in September of 1929?
To save German civilian lives
We should have been there, side by side with Germany.  Instead, we allied with a communist, ungodly butcher named Stalin
Shame on the United States of American and Great Britain
These German lives are on our heads.
The following is taken from:
Where's the History Channel doing a two part story on the ethnic cleaning of the German minority in Poland in 1939.  Oh no.  This would not be politically correct and the Jews would scream bloody murder.  These pictures speak for themselves.
As you look at these pictures ask yourself,
What would you have done, under the same circumstances?
The German civilians murdered in these pictures were living in the Danzig Corridor.
They were peaceful.  Many of them farmers.
Hitler pleaded for the League of Nations dozens of times to protect them.
The world failed these people in 1939.  More than 58,000 died at the hands of communists and Polish civilians.
Hitler finally took matters into his own hands and entered Poland to rescue his people.
The rest, as they say, is history.
These pictures are not propaganda.  They're fact.
What would you have done if you had been the leader of Germany and these pictures were placed on your desk?
Ask the Jewish dominated League of Nations, one more time, for help?
Or finally take matters into your own hands?









































Horrified?  You should be. Or do you still think they "had it coming?  Remember, these were innocent civilians living in the Danzig Corridor.  Not even Germany proper.  Read their first hand accounts next.


These first hand accounts will include information you'll find harder to believe than the pictures.  Accounts of Germans being forced to marched to prison camps.  That's right.    Only a couple of the accounts will be replicated here.  You can read the read the read at http://www.jrbooksonline.com/polish_atrocities.htm

77. The march of terror to Lowitsch --
Narrative of Gotthold Starke, Chief Editor of the "Deutsche Rundschau" in Bromberg.

Military Court of the District Air Service Command 3,

Staff for Special Duties. Bromberg, Sept. 15, 1939.

Present: Dr. Waltzog, Air Service Judge-Advocate, as Judge. Charlotte Janz, as Clerk of the Court, specially detailed.

Re person: My name is Gotthold Starke, 43 years of age, a Protestant, the Chief Editor of the "Deutsche Rundschau" in Bromberg. I am married and have four children.

Re matter: On Sept. 1, 1939, at 7.30 p. m., I was arrested in my home by a Polish police officer. He told me I was under arrest as soon as he entered, and then carried out a search which yielded no result. He then handed me a red warrant of arrest on which I had to sign that a search of my home had been carried out with no result. I was then taken in a car to the former Reich War Orphans' Home in Bromberg, where I met many minority Germans and also German nationals who likewise had been arrested some time on Sept. 1st. As I learned later, a general order for the whole country had been sent out to this effect through the Polish Broadcasting Organization. The lists of persons to be detained must have already been prepared at the end of April or the beginning of May. Persons who, at a later date, had come to live in Bromberg and who might have appeared just as politically suspect as we others, or been suspected with even more reason, were in fact not arrested. On the other hand, people were sought out who had moved away within the last few months.

Legally speaking, there were three categories of arrested persons, who, however, all experienced the same treatment: firstly, those detained on a red ticket, to which group I belonged, secondly, the internees with a pink ticket, applying principally to the German nationals, but also including a few minority Germans as distinct from those of German nationality, whereas some German nationals also had red tickets; and thirdly, the evacuees with yellow tickets. On these yellow tickets was an order that the persons concerned--probably almost entirely minority Germans, not German nationals--were to go for four weeks, at their own expense, to a place in East Poland, where they were to live under police supervision. The yellow-ticket category was by far the smallest; the holders enjoyed a certain amount of preference as compared with the detained persons, which, in one instance known to me, was no doubt due to the estate-owner in question being given a good report by Poles he had billeted. As on Sept. 1st, it was no longer possible for the evacuees to travel by train to East Poland, they were put on the same footing as the detained persons, the internees also receiving no different treatment. Amongst these internees were the chief of the German Passport Office in Bromberg, Consul Wenger, and his secretary, Frl. Müller, both officials of the German Consulate-General in Thorn: I last saw Consul Wenger in Lodz, he is not yet back in Bromberg (1).

The intention clearly was to remove us to a camp where we were to be fed. Some of us were told at the time of arrest to provide ourselves with food for four days, but only very few could obtain food. On Sept. 2nd, more prisoners joined us, including the Chairman of the German Association, Dr. Hans Kohnert, likewise holder of a red ticket. While watching at the window the impact of the German airmen's bombs, we also witnessed German peasants being so severely beaten that a rifle butt was split (testimony of Frl. Müller of the German Passport Office still in Lodz). It was then that they first started the method of intimidation. Our guards, composed of police, auxiliary police and members of semi-military associations, compelled us with fixed bayonets to lie down on the ground, threatening to shoot anyone who tried to rise. In the afternoon of Sept. 2nd, at about 5 o'clock, we were assembled in two ranks and led into the courtyard. Previously, one of the Haller soldiers had singled out a few prisoners whose hands were then fettered together. We then formed a large square in the yard, rifles and machine-guns were loaded in our presence, and we were marched off, first of all through the Polish population of Bromberg who cursed and swore at us as we passed. They threatened to lynch us in front of the police prison where we were able to make a short halt. When it had become quite dark, we started off to march via Langenau and Schulitz to Thorn, a forced march of about 36 miles, quite unendurable for the old people and children who were amongst us. The hardships were intensified by the lack of food and by the constantly recurring order to go into the ditch when German airmen attacked. We were no further than Langenau when 76-year-old Frl. Martha Schnee had to remain behind in a dying condition. She was a niece of the well-known German East African Governor, and had devoted her life to the service of the poor, finally as head of the German People's Welfare.

In Thorn we were accommodated for the night in a dirty hall in a suburb. The first signs of mental derangement made themselves apparent here, women and men crying out wildly, while anti-German demonstrations were made by Polish convicts who had been added to our number. On Sept. 4th, we marched from Thorn as far as the Polish brine spa Ciechocinek. Our guard were kept busy collecting Polish deserters. Judging by the fighting, we all believed that German troops would yet be able to free us. A short way from the health resort, one of our comrades, young Gerhard. Schreiher from Bromberg, cut his throat, severing the carotid artery. A surgeon amongst us, Dr. Staemmler from Bromberg, attended to him. The injured man was taken to Ciechocinek, where he died. Dr. Staemmler told me personally that with normal treatment he would certainly have been saved. While the young fellow, whose nerves had completely given way, was lying in his own blood, he was kicked by the last Polish Chief Constable of Bromberg, who led the column. All pocket-knives and razor blades, however, were taken away from us others. In Ciechocinek we were accommodated in a camp for youths, the sexes being separated. It was again impossible to have any rest at night as there were fresh outbreaks of insanity and the hysterical cries did not cease. There was nothing to eat. On Sept. 5, we marched through the great heat from Ciechocinek to Wloclawek. Foot trouble spread, the hunger became greater, provisions which some had brought with them were distributed. Our money had been taken away; nevertheless in Nieszawa the prisoners made a collection so that bread could be bought. The commandant entrusted Dr. Staemmler with the purchase and distribution. Later, unfortunately, he had not the same generous feelings towards us.

In Nieszawa we camped at midday in scorching heat on a large refuse dump. Here we were joined by a large company of prisoners from Pommerellen, women and old people amongst them, hunted, driven, emaciated creatures. Then we marched along the bank of the Vistula into the shell-torn town of Wloclawek, where we were herded together in a gymnasium and locked in. The whole night long we had no water, although we were nearly dying of thirst. As I was looking in the darkness for a way out, to get to a supply of water, I met a German farmer, Vorweyer, who had been arrested with his 14-year-old son. Later on they took the fair-haired boy away from him, and as to the boy's fate nothing is known. The next morning we were driven on. Some of the old people who could not continue, and also some women, were loaded on to a vehicle. When the two Bromberg men, Pastor Assmann, Church Superintendent, and Dr. von Behrens, both over 70 years of age, also asked permission to ride, they were refused as "particularly dangerous political bandits." Young comrades carried them along that day as well. On this day, Sept. 6, the way led from Wloclawek to the Chodsen sugar mill near Chodecz, where we were joined to several other columns from Pommerellen, the total number of abducted persons probably attaining the figure of 4,000, of which 600 to 800 came from Bromberg. Amongst these 4,000 there were about 1,000 Polish Social Democrats, convicts and other wretched-looking specimens. Other bodies of Germans had had Lad experiences in the Chodsen sugar mill which was under military command. They had been beaten with rubber truncheons, put up against the wall, terrorized, and maltreated in other ways. Some had also been shot. We were driven for the night into a narrow space between two walls, where there was barely room for one person to sit, but where we were obliged to sit on coke and liquid tar. Polish civilians with armlets, whose orders we had to obey, moved among us. Whoever approached the barbed wire ran the risk of being shot dead. Machine-guns were mounted on the factory roof. Although in the evening we had been promised barracks with straw--evidently this sugar mill was intended as a concentration camp--we were driven the next morning on to Kutno via Chodecz, a small town in which we were able to get food in the market place. On the way we were continually being called murderers, bandits and sons of bitches, particularly by the women--and by the officers. We were accompanied on the way, by columns of fugitives, military and civilian, who took every opportunity to attack us. Those who were unable to march were sometimes put on the cart, usually, however, shot dead at the end of the column. We marched from the morning of Sept. 7 all through the night, with few halts, in the ditch or in the filth of the road until 9 a. m. can the morning of Sept. 8, when we arrived at a farm, Starawies, about 2 miles beyond Kutno, where we made a halt of 4 hours. Here several of us dropped dead from exhaustion. Only a part of the column received bread, all, however, got water to drink, which meant the greatest bliss for us. We had in fact thrown ourselves down, as soon as twilight came, on the grass at the edge of the road, to moisten our tongues and lips with the dew. We were also able here and there to get a turnip from the field so as to stave off the awful pangs of hunger.

We marched on from Starawies' at midday, once more throughout the night, staggering, sleeping, constantly troubled by our insane comrades, badly upset by the shots in our column;--one of my companions alone counted 44 Germans shot dead that night--and molested by the many military columns streaming back. Anyone who could not maintain his proper position in the marching column was driven back in the ranks with clubs and bayonet' prods by the escort, who were better fed than we were and who could sometimes ride on bicycles and also 'sometimes be relieved by others. Even in the case of our doctor, Dr. Staemmler, no exception was made when he remained in the front or the rear of the endless column in order to help an unfortunate with some stimulant. He had not been allowed to bring his case of instruments. This particular night he himself commenced to rave. Dr. Kohnert and two marching next to him were beaten by passing soldiers. Time after time we had to close up because the ranks were opening out. A 70-year-old peasant, Korner by name, who could endure his thirst no longer, jumped from a bridge about 23 feet high into the Bzura, where he was shot at but not wounded. He drank some water out of his hat and was then able to rejoin the end of the column.

At 9 o'clock on Sept. 9 we arrived in Lowitsch, at a point between the powder magazine and the barracks, under intense German artillery fire. Practically all the Polish guards left us, the commandant was not to be seen. We withdrew from the danger zone into a small wood above the town, and on the way we were able to quench our thirst and wash ourselves at several fountains. Out of the column of roughly 4,000, only 2,000 were saved when we got to Lowitsch--which, at the same time, was being occupied by German troops. Of those missing, there were first of all the 1,000 Poles who had been with us, but the remaining number of 1,000 Germans is by no means just a statistical error; on the contrary, I believe that the latter lost their way in the woods, meadows and villages during that last absolutely unbearable night in which we could hardly drag ourselves along. A part of them must, be considered as definitely lost. Others kept coming into Lowitsch in little groups. Of the final 2,000 who had remained together; about 1,200 broke away near the barracks and went to meet the German soldiers in separate groups, in some cases making prisoners of their escort, of whom finally 30 were captured. The remaining 800, including amongst others Dr. Kohnert, Dr. Staemmler, Baron Gero von Gersdorff, Herr Modrow, the chairman of the Land Union, and also myself, were taken into the previously-mentioned small wood where strzelce (semi-military riflemen), young armed bandits 17-18 years old, were waiting for us. These then drove us off another 5½ miles to the north-east of Lowitsch in the direction of Warsaw into a straggling village where water was to be had. The greater part of these 800 were Germans from "Congress" Poland (former Russian territory), who could hardly be held together, particularly when we were driven again up a hill on to a so-called gromadawiese(village common), which was exposed to fire from all sides.

Pastor Krusche, as leader of the Germans from "Congress" Poland, and we from Bromberg consulted together as to what was now to be done. Dr. Kohnert and Dr. Staemmler were commissioned to parley with the single remaining Bromberg policeman accompanying us. It was suggested that he should gather his comrades together, so that we should not be shot down by the soldiers swarming-back on the retreat, or by the young strzelce,who to all appearances had prepared an ambush for us. In return, we were willing to guarantee the guards' lives and positions if we fell into German hands. As Dr. Kohnert and Dr. Staemmler approached the policeman, he misinterpreted their action and became aggressive. Dr. Staemmler tried to wrest the weapon from him, the policeman stepped back a few paces and shot him dead. The policeman disappeared in the upper village calling loudly for revenge and for assistance. We now assumed that the defenceless 800, would be shot at from all sides. Every where Polish soldiers and armed civilians became visible. Suddenly a tank appeared at the foot of the hill. Everybody thought that it was to bar our escape to Lowitsch. Dr. Kohnert and Pastor Krusche went towards it with a white handkerchief on a stick. We hoped we would be secure against the malice of the police and the strzelce if we submitted to the Polish military. The 800 streamed after the two men bearing the flag of truce. Half-way we made the discovery that it was a German tank, which freed us. A young German officer drove through our midst on this tank, which bore the name "Ziethen," right to the upper village up the entire gromada hill. There the Polish peasants fell on their knees and kissed the officer's hands and uniform. He directed us, however, back to Lowitsch. We took the body of Dr. Staemmler and marched through potato and stubble fields where there was some side-cover, into the town, which was occupied by German troops. The march to Lorvitsch, which with deviations represented a distance of about 150 miles, had come to an end. The condition of those who had taken part was, in the majority of cases, shockingly wretched. When I was in the Commandant's headquarters, where the country doctor, Dr. Studzinski (a German) from Waldau, District of Schwetz, who had been beaten black and blue, and who attended to the most acute cases of festering foot injuries and visited those who were, seriously ill, until he dropped, I discovered among others the 68-year-old Senator Dr. Busse-Tupadly lying on a straw bed. He called me and put his arms round me, weeping. Although he is the godfather of my son, I should never have recognized him. Stones which had been hurled at him and blows of rifle butts had left his head a blue-black shapeless mass from which only the red lips, dripping with blood, protruded. Dr. Busse is one of the foremost European cattle-breeders. He was also particularly esteemed by the Poles and was well-known as a judge at all international cattle-shows. Next to him lay the 82-year-old horticulturist Bohrmann, from Schonsee, in a state of complete exhaustion. In the headquarters yard, however, there was a pile of corpses of those who even at this point had died from exhaustion and of others who had been cut off from the main column before Lowitsch and murdered by the soldiers flooding back. 26 had been counted near the gromada hill alone. The majority of them had been beaten to death with rifle butts. Deeply moved, we thanked our liberators.

By the Bzura, where we took our first bath, we sang the German national anthems and raised a cheer of "Sieg Heil" for the Führer and the German Army. At night, we were given food and looked after by farmers from Pommerellen who had been dragged as far as the Lowitsch prison, on suspicion of espionage, and now also had been released by the German troops. In view of the fighting which was in progress, the 2,000 people saved were brought the next day, during the afternoon of Sunday, Sept. 10, on panjemagen (peasants' carts) and on 800 requisitioned bicycles to Lodz, via Glowno, where we rested at night in the open.

Dictated by the witness, approved, signed

Gotthold Starke.

The witness then took the oath.

Concluded:

Dr. Waltzog Charlotte Janz

Source: WR I

91. Even a deformed minority German was not spared
The witness Ewald Tonn, business man and inn-keeper of Rogasen in the district of Obornik, deposed the following on oath: 
About 4½ miles from Gnesen our deformed comrade Puder stepped out of the marching column because he was completely exhausted. He was immediately beaten on the chest with rifle butts and was left behind. Since I wanted to look after him, I wound my way to the rear of the column and saw him lying on a waggon in the agonies of death. He died shortly afterwards.

Source: WR II


92.
 Driven forward with bleeding feet (Marched from Ciechocinek via Nieschawa to Wloclawek)

On oath, the 70-year-old witness Emil L a n g e , farmer in Slonsk, deposed the following: 

. . . The march (1) was very difficult for me, a man of seventy years; my feet were covered with blood, the nails had to be torn off my toes, and it was only with the help of my son and one of my neighbours that I was able to last out the march. We were urged to inhuman efforts, particularly by the knowledge that we would be murdered if we fell behind. On the way my son was struck heavily in the back by the rifle butt of a Polish soldier. The power of the blow was lessened by a bag which he was carrying on his back.

Source: WR II

93. 80-year-old minority German brutally beaten by Polish police

The witness, Szczepan Siedlecki, grocer in Michelin, deposed the following on oath: 

On the first Wednesday in September of this year, I saw about 150 minority Germans who, being marched off by Polish policemen, passed my shop window in the direction of Kutno. An old minority German of about 80 years of age could go no farther, and was struck with rifle butts by policemen, so that he broke down completely and was left lying in the street. Some civilians standing near by were told by two Polish policemen to finish him off, and I saw two men, strangers to me, go through the old man's pockets, after which they struck him with a stone and kicked him with their feet . . .

Source: Sd. Is Bromberg 814/39

94. Polish officer murderously shoots captured minority Germans

The witness, Kurt Seehagel, barber in Rogasen, at the time of writing resident at Bukowice, deposed the following on oath (Seehagel served in the Polish infantry from 16.4.31 to 16.3.33): 

On Sept. 1, 1939, I was arrested in Rogasen together with 20 to 25 other inhabitants and marched with about 700 minority Germans to internment in Warsaw, via Kutno, Lowitsch.

Between Kutno arid Lowitsch our party made a halt in a public park. Our escorts, who were Polish reservists doing military police service, and some Polish soldiers, who were standing near by, commenced indiscriminately shooting at us, and some of us were not only wounded but killed. Before we marched into the public park there was a Polish officer standing at the entrance, who was in charge of the Polish troops in the neighbourhood. He asked our escort who we were. When they replied that we were Germans and had called Hitler to Poland--the escort's actual words were somewhat as follows: "These are the swine who called for Hitler"--the Polish officer drew his revolver, and shouting out that he would like to kill one of "them", fired at a German-born comrade who was marching in front of me. Shot right through the temple, he lay dead, and I had to step over his body, whilst the Polish officer behind me, again shot at us, but I could not tell whether he murdered another comrade, since it was forbidden to look round.

On the way the escort indiscriminately pulled my comrades out of the column and murdered them in one way or another, either by shooting or by beating them with rifle butts. In the night, as we were between Lowitsch and Warsaw, three of our escort drew me out of our party and kept me behind with them with the intention of murdering me. Whilst one held my arms, the other two struck me with the butts of their rifles, but I managed to pull myself free, and to escape. They fired after me, and shot me through the shoulder so that I fell down. I heard them shout out that I was finished, but I managed to run on and hide until I saw some German troops. After washing myself, changing into a clean shirt that they gave me, and having my wound bound by German first-aid men, I went with some other rescued comrades a short way back along the route along which our party had previously marched, and we saw a large number of the bodies of our comrades on the road. Most of them were disgustingly mutilated and their faces unrecognizable. In my opinion they were beaten to death by rifle butts.

Source: WR II

These statement prove that these murders were ethnic hatred and ethnic cleansing.
These Germans were living in their own land.  Land that had been a part of greater Germany for generations
Land that was stolen from them by the allies after World War I
We're responsible for these deaths

5. The "swaby" (huns) must all be shot

Murder of Giese ... Parts of brain and blood adhered to the kitchen wall

Witness Giese of Bromberg deposed on oath as follows:

Re person: My name is Johanna Giese, nee Keusch. I am 51 years old, Protestant, a minority German, and domiciled in Bromberg, 9 Konopnickiej.

Re matter: On Sunday, Sept. 3, 1939, between 11 and 12 o'clock we were in the cellar of our house. Polish soldiers and civilians entered our property. They insisted that we came out of the cellar. When we had emerged, one of the soldiers asserted that shots had been fired from our house. We in fact had no weapons in the house at all.

My son-in-law left the cellar first. At that moment a civilian shouted "The 'szwaby' (Huns) must all be shot." My son-in-law was at once fired at by a soldier, and was shot through the artery; he also received three further shots in the chest and throat. In spite of this he did not die immediately, but was still alive on Sunday evening, when we had to flee. We could not take him with us and laid him on a sofa in the house.

(1) Details of this incident in previous document.

After the German military marched into Bromberg on Tuesday, I took an N. C. O. with me to my farm, because I wished to see how things looked there. It was a frightful sight. My son-in-law had been taken off the sofa. They had dragged him into the kitchen up to and under the kitchen table. The head was split, the cranium was missing altogether and the brain was no longer in the head. Parts of the brain and blood adhered to the kitchen wall . . .

My son Reinhard Giese had also been with us in the cellar; he was 19 years old. When he saw that my son-in-law had been shot dead he tried to escape, and he succeeded in getting over the fence into the neighbour's property. They ran after him, caught him and shot him dead. I brought the body of my son into the wash house in the evening. He had been shot in the chest.

Another son of mine, Friedrich Giese, 25 years old, is said to have been shot in Hopfengarten together with his whole family, to whom he had fled.

Source: WR I

6. "Kill the Germans"

Eyes gouged with bayonets

Witness Paul Sikorski deposed on oath as follows:

Re  person: My name is Paul Sikorski, 35 years of age, Catholic, merchant. I claim to be a minority German, domiciled in Bromberg, at 4 Müllerstrasse.

Re  matter: On Sunday, Sept. 3, 1939, at about 6 a. m. I went to the mill to switch off the light and to stop the turbine. On the way there I suddenly heard loud cries from the railway embankment. At a distance of about 100 yards I saw below the embankment a group of railwaymen, civilians and military beating seven persons aged from 20 to 60 years with bayonets, rifle butts and cudgels. They had surrounded their victims. I ran nearer and heard them shout in Polish "Kill the Germans." I saw the blood spurting, even at that distance. I turned however when I noticed that the horde wished to spring on me. I returned at 9 o'clock and inspected the corpses. On two of them the eyes had been gouged with bayonets. The orbits were empty and there was only a bloody mass. In the case of three bodies the skull had been opened and the brain lay a yard distant from the corpse. The other corpses were entirely bashed. One of the bodies was entirely slit open. Two of the murdered were known to me, they were Leichnitz, a butcher of Jägershof, and Herr Schlicht.

In the afternoon, between 3 and 4 o'clock, a group of soldiers with railwaymen came to my mill, Peterson's mill, and brought 18 Germans with them. They were bound together in pairs. I had an exact view of them from my garden. The whole 18 of them were then shot down, two at a time. They then struck them while they were lying on the ground. Amongst the victims were a 14 year old boy, and a woman. Evidently everything had to be done quickly on this occasion, because they all moved off immediately. I carefully inspected the corpses afterwards; they were there for three days.

On Monday afternoon, when it was said that the Polish soldiers had already evacuated the town, two soldiers brought in an elderly man and an elderly woman. In front of my eyes they put them to the wall in the mill. I ran over to the soldiers, knelt down before them and begged them in Polish to release these two old persons, both of whom were about 65 years of age. However I was pushed away with the rifle butt by one of the soldiers, who said: "Let these damned Germans perish." Before I could rise again they had shot the old people down, and their bodies fell into a ditch. Thereupon the soldiers marched off at the double.

Source: WR I

7. "They should be beaten to death--not shot"
Murder of Wildemann

According to the facts ascertained in the case, witness Frau Wildemann deposed on oath as follows:

Several hordes had repeatedly searched the house of the witness Wildemann in Bromberg,

Schwedenbergstrasse (56 Ugory) in the forenoon of Sept. 3, for weapons without finding any.

At about three o'clock in the afternoon a new horde of about 30 men appeared, all of them armed with cudgels and similar weapons. Pretending that shots had been fired from the house that therefore the house must be searched for weapons, a new search was-made. During the search a number of articles, the property of the Wildemann family, was stolen. There were no weapons in the house, nor were any shots fired from there. Wildemann had hidden in the cellar when he saw the horde arrive. In response to the question as to his whereabouts put to her under threats, Frau Wildemann declared that he had gone to see some acquaintances in the Kujawer Strasse. She was thereupon taken to that place. As her husband was not found there she admitted where he was, after she had been threatened with shooting, and on the promise that nothing would happen to her husband. The horde then returned to Frau Wildemann's property, seized her husband and, handling them roughly on the way, carried both of them off into the adjoining garden. They were then stood in a position as if they were to be shot. When they embraced each other and commenced to pray, they were laughed at and mocked. There were continued shouts of "They should be beaten to death, not shot." Among the shouting crowd was the barber Alfons Lewandowski. On Frau Wildemann's turning to him and asking "What have you got against me, what have Idone to you?" he hit her in the face saying "You German swine, you damned Hitlerite." Frau Wildemann was then led away by the soldiers, who on the whole had been rather moderate. Some days afterwards they found Wildemann's dead body terribly mutilated, not far from the premises. He had been hurriedly buried in sand and was only recognizable by his clothing and the contents of his pockets.

Source: Sd. K. Ls. Bromberg 14/39

8. All Germans must be butchered

Murder of Gollnick and Köpernick

According to the facts ascertained in the case witnesses 0lga and Franz Tafelski, Bromberg, deposed on oath as follows:

The crowd which was on the move in the Breite Strasse incited the soldiers against the German Gollnick. The soldiers knocked. Gollnick down with their butts and left him lying in the street, badly injured. He lived until the evening. Witness Tafelski saw that Gollnick, towards evening was still convulsively moving his left leg and left hand. Gollnick who had fallen on to his face had been turned over by the mob and his trousers opened so that the entire lower part of his body was exposed. Towards evening a civilian appeared with two soldiers, who thrust their bayonets into Gollnick's stomach. Thereupon he was finally killed by a finishing shot. During the afternoon bands of civilians and soldiers raged up and down the Breite Strasse, quite near the spot where Gollnick lay badly injured, shouting that the Germans had fired from their houses. Amongst this horde was Sofie Bednarczyk, an unemployed woman. She flirted with the soldiers and behaved, according to the statement of Olga Tafelski "like a mad woman." Franz Tafelski saw Bednarczyk marching in front of the horde with crossed arms. Her whole attitude expressed that she considered herself extremely important. She shouted, as heard by Olga Tafelski: "Give me a rifle, all Germans must be butchered, the damned Hitlerites." Franz Tafelski heard her shout: "All Germans must be shot dead." In doing so she even smiled at the soldiers. At the corner of 5, Breite Strasse she stopped. When she saw the minority German Gollnick lying there with trousers torn open in front she shouted, as heard by the witness Bartkowiak: "This Hitlerite must have his b ----. . . cut off." About half an hour later the German Köpernick was dragged past the same place and, shortly afterwards, murdered.

(These facts were ascertained at the trial on October 10. 1939 at the special court in Bromberg, on the strength of statements on oath made by Bartkowiak and Christa Gollnick, in addition to those of the witnesses Olga and Franz Tafelski.)

Source: Sd. K. Ls. Bromberg 73/39

9. "That swine is still alive!"

Murder of Gollnick

Witness Christa Gollnick of Bromberg, 101 Kujawier Strasse, deposed on oath as follows:

We kept a greengrocer shop, and also sold flour and fodder. When the first Polish troops marched off I saw our Polish neighbour approaching a Polish major, telling him something and pointing to our house. Thereupon Polish soldiers stormed our shop. after they had smashed in the door. We thought that a battle was going to take place and that the soldiers intended to barricade themselves in our house. We thereupon ran to our dug-out, which we had built by order of the authorities. We did not, however, get that far because the Polish soldiers opened fire on us. My husband was struck in the shoulder, and received a rifle butt blow in the face. He reeled but still endeavoured to escape. He tried to climb over the fence, but was held back by a civilian. He received a further butt blow from a Polish soldier so that he fell. My children and myself were brought back into the house by a Polish lieutenant. I could see my husband lying on the ground, from the attic. He still lived for a long time. I saw him draw up his legs to the body and straighten them again, and now and then he raised his hand. It was impossible for us, however, to go out to him as Polish soldiers and civilians were standing about. A Polish policeman was continually stationed at the fence where my husband lay. Polish women screamed: "That swine is still alive." Towards evening three shots were fired at my husband by Polish soldiers, after he had received a bayonet stab in the body earlier in the afternoon. I observed my husband continually feeling for this place and trying to open his trousers, which were subsequently found to be open. My neighbour told me that my husband had still gasped the next day. My husband was tall and strong and only 38 years old, therefore he must have had a fearfully prolonged death. He had lain for about 18 hours before death delivered him from his agony.

Source: WR I

10. "We will butcher you!" "Here is one of Hitler's young brats"

Murder of Bettin

According to the facts ascertained in the case, witness Bettin of Bromberg, deposed the following on oath:

On September 3, 1939, the so-called "Bromberg Bloody Sunday", a horde of Polish bandits forced their way into the premises owned by the Bettinfamily at 76 Frankenstrasse in Bromberg. The Bettins heard the panes being smashed in from the outside and thereupon opened the door. They were led outside with raised arms and had to kneel down. Witness Bettin was wearing a Swastika, which fell out of her blouse. This was cause for the crowd which consisted of some Poles armed with revolvers and hay forks, and one man with an axe, wildly to abuse the witness. Expressions such as "Hitler brat" "Hitler swine" "We will butcher you" fell from the crowd. She was then led away by two Poles, one of whom was the railway official Bruski. Thereby she was roughly handled and actually thrown from the yard. On the way her arm was pulled and she was threatened with a cudgel. At the corner of Bolitzer Strasse she was handed over to two other Poles, a Post Office official dressed as a policeman, and a railway man. Bruski said "Here is one of your Hitler brats." In the afternoon between 4 and 5 o'clock she was freed by a Polish officer. When she reached home she [p. 45] found that only her mother and sister-in-law were still present; her father and her brother had also been dragged away by the Polish gang. The brother was found murdered some time later, her father has since been missing, and has apparently-also been murdered.

Source: Sd. K. Ls. Bromberg 91/39

11. "Seize him, so that I may kill him"
Murder of Thiede and Mittelstädt

According to the facts ascertained in the case, witnesses Gerda Thiede and Otto Papke a wheelwright of Schulitz, deposed on oath as follows:

Waclaw Pasterski, a chauffeur, owns some property in Schulitz opposite to the Thiede family's place. The Thiede family consists of the mother and two children, the daughter named Gerda, and son, Werner, the family is German, and has been domiciled there for years. Waclaw Pasterski is a Pole and came to Schulitz about seven years ago.

On Sunday September 3, 1939 ownerless cattle, formerly the property of fugitive Poles, were driven into Thiede's turnip fields by Polish soldiers. In order to inspect the harm done, the Thiedes, accompanied by Emil Mittelstädt, who happened to be calling on them and who owned a farm some plots away, went into the field. When they got there, a squad of Polish soldiers came from the wood and called to them: "Are you Germans or Poles?" Werner Thiede replied: "Germans." Mittelstädt replied "Pole." Thereupon the soldiers searched Werner Thiede for weapons, but he carried none. Then the Thiedes had to walk with raised hands in the direction of the wood, followed by the soldiers. Mittelstädt was allowed to stay on the meadow Meanwhile the chauffeur Waclaw Pasterski came from the direction of the wood, armed with axe and knife and shouted to the soldiers on seeing Werner Thiede: "Seize him, that small fellow there in a shirt, so that I can kill him." On hearing the shout, Werner Thiede altered his direction and ran off to one side. The soldiers immediately took up the chase and fired shots after him. Witness Gerda Thiede looked back in spite of the order to the contrary, and saw Mittelstädt lying in his blood on the meadow. He had a wound in his side, which she thought was due to a stroke made with the axe by Pasterski, because the soldiers had left the meadow in following Thiede; therefore only Mittelstädt and Pasterski remained behind, and none other than Pasterski could come into question as the perpetrator of the deed. Gerda Thiede had also heard Pasterski say of Mittelstädt that he was a German after all. Otto Papke, who had likewise seen Mittelstädt lying on the meadow, has definitely recognised the wound as being due to a stroke by an axe. Mittelstädt suffered agonies until he died in the night. Werner Thiede was found dead by his neighbour Kriewald and buried. According to his statement, as also deposed by Gerda Thiede, Thiede was shot in the back and had a large slash on the head.

Werner Thiede was 20 years old. Mittelstädt was about 30. Mittelstädt had lately become a widower and leaves a small child.

Source: Sd. K. S. Ls. Bromberg 7/39

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