New Age History and Economics

The Day We See The Truth And Cease To Speak it, Is The Day We Begin To Die. MLK Jr.

Friday, June 20, 2014

Hitler's views on future of Nation. Chap IV Mein Kampf Part A.


Lies being taught;
Mein Kampf is unintelligible ravings of a maniac.
Now the Truth;  
CHAPTER IV Munich
Views on Future of a Nation.

"At last I came to Munich, in the spring of 1912. The city itself was as familiar to me as if I had lived for years within its walls.

This was because my studies in architecture had been constantly turning my attention to the metropolis of German art. One must know Munich if one would know Germany, and it is impossible to acquire a knowledge of German art without seeing Munich. All things considered, this pre-war sojourn was by far the happiest and most contented time of my life. My earnings were very slender; but after all I did not live for the sake of painting. I painted in order to get the bare necessities of existence while I continued my studies.. There were a thousand or more things which I inwardly loved or which I came to love during the course of my stay. But what attracted me most was the marvellous wedlock of native folk-energy with the fine artistic spirit of the city, that unique harmony from the Hofbräuhaus to the Odeon, from the October Festival to the PINAKOTHEK, etc.

The only questions therefore were the following: What form shall the life of the nation assume in the near future--that is to say within such a period as we can forecast? And by what means can the necessary foundation and security be guaranteed for this development within the framework of the general distribution of power among the European nations? A clear analysis of the principles on which the foreign policy of German statecraft were to be based should have led to the following conclusions:

The annual increase of population in Germany amounts to almost 900,000 souls. The difficulties of providing for this army of new citizens must grow from year to year and must finally lead to a catastrophe, unless ways and means are found which will forestall the danger of misery and hunger. There were four ways of providing against this terrible calamity:

(1) It was possible to adopt the French example and artificially restrict the number of births, thus avoiding an excess of population.

As soon as the procreative faculty is thwarted and the number of births diminished, the natural struggle for existence which allows only healthy and strong individuals to survive is replaced by a sheer craze to 'save' feeble and even diseased creatures at any cost. And thus the seeds are sown for a human progeny which will become more and more miserable from one generation to another, as long as Nature's will is scorned.

(2) A second solution is that of internal colonization. This is a proposal which is frequently made in our own time and one hears it lauded a good deal. It is a suggestion that is well-meant but it is misunderstood by most people, so that it is the source of more mischief than can be imagined.

It is certainly true that the productivity of the soil can be increased within certain limits; but only within defined limits and not indefinitely. Nature knows no political frontiers. She begins by establishing life on this globe and then watches the free play of forces. Those who show the greatest courage and industry are the children nearest to her heart and they will be granted the sovereign right of existence.

If a nation confines itself to 'internal colonization' while other races are perpetually increasing their territorial annexations all over the globe, that nation will be forced to restrict the numerical growth of its population at a time when the other nations are increasing theirs.

Two further ways were left open in which work and bread could be secured for the increasing population.

(3) It was possible to think of acquiring new territory on which a certain portion of' the increasing population could be settled each year; or else

(4) Our industry and commerce had to be organized in such a manner as to secure an increase in the exports and thus be able to support our people by the increased purchasing power accruing from the profits made on foreign markets.

If new territory were to be acquired in Europe it must have been mainly at Russia's cost, and once again the new German Empire should have set out on its march along the same road as was formerly trodden by the Teutonic Knights, this time to acquire soil for the German plough by means of the German sword and thus provide the nation with its daily bread.

For such a policy, however, there was only one possible ally in Europe. That was England.

Only by alliance with England was it possible to safeguard the rear of the new German crusade. The justification for undertaking such an expedition was stronger than the justification which our forefathers had for setting out on theirs. Not one of our pacifists refuses to eat the bread made from the grain grown in the East; and yet the first plough here was that called the 'Sword'. 

No sacrifice should have been considered too great if it was a necessary means of gaining England's friendship. Colonial and naval ambitions should have been abandoned and attempts should not have been made to compete against British industries.

Only a clear and definite policy could lead to such an achievement. Such a policy would have demanded a renunciation of the endeavour to conquer the world's markets, also a renunciation of colonial intentions and naval power. All the means of power at the disposal of the State should have been concentrated in the military forces on land. This policy would have involved a period of temporary self-denial, for the sake of a great and powerful future.

And that dream of peace was a most significant reason why the above-mentioned third alternative for the future development of Germany was not even taken into consideration. The fact was recognized that new territory could be gained only in the East; but this meant that there would be fighting ahead, whereas they wanted peace at any cost. The slogan of German foreign policy at one time used to be: The use of all possible means for the maintenance of the German nation. Now it was changed to: Maintenance of world peace by all possible means. We know what the result was. I shall resume the discussion of this point in detail later on.

There remained still another alternative, which we may call the fourth. This was: Industry and world trade, naval power and colonies. In adopting such a course Germany must have known that to follow it out would necessarily mean war sooner or later. Only children could believe that sweet and unctuous expressions of goodness and persistent avowals of peaceful intentions could get them their bananas through this 'friendly competition between the nations', with the prospect of never having to fight for them. No. Once we had taken this road, England was bound to be our enemy at some time or other to come. Of course it fitted in nicely with our innocent assumptions, but still it was absurd to grow indignant at the fact that a day came when the English took the liberty of opposing our peaceful penetration with the brutality of violent egoists.

Naturally, we on our side would never have done such a thing. If a European territorial policy against Russia could have been put into practice only in case we had England as our ally, on the other hand a colonial and world-trade policy could have been carried into effect only against English interests and with the support of Russia.

But nobody thought of forming an alliance with Russia against England, just as nobody thought of making England an ally against Russia; for in either case the final result would inevitably have meant war. And to avoid war was the very reason why a commercial and industrial policy was decided upon. It was believed that the peaceful conquest of the world by commercial means provided a method which would permanently supplant the policy of force. Occasionally, however, there were doubts about the efficiency of this principle, especially when some quite incomprehensible warnings came from England now and again. That was the reason why the fleet was built. It was not for the purpose of attacking or annihilating England but merely to defend the concept of world-peace, mentioned above, and also to protect the principle of conquering the world by 'peaceful' means. Therefore this fleet was kept within modest limits, not only as regards the number and tonnage of the vessels but also in regard to their armament, the idea being to furnish new proofs of peaceful intentions."

Adolf Hitler
To be continued...

Sunday, June 1, 2014

Sikhs- Transition of image from Braves to weak!

Islamic Conquest of Sikhism;
For centuries Muslims have been trying to conquer Sikhism and in the process killing 5th, 9th and sons of 10th guru. In 1972 war Pakistan blamed East India for division of their country into Bangladesh and Pakistan (little realizing that they themselves were responsible for division of India into India (east India) and Pakistan (west-India). Creation of Bangladesh was beginning of Islamic conquest of Sikhism and transformation of Sikhs to weak.

Dedicated to Canadian anti-Sikhs; I call them anti-Sikh, as 99% of them do not keep 5 Ks essential to be called a Sikh. Canadian Sikhs are only interested to follow the footsteps of Paki Muslims, the descendants of Mughals, the killers of several Sikh gurus. 

Lies being Taught; Sikhs are brave;

Now the present day truth; History of Transition of image of Sikhs from braves to weak began after creation of Bangladesh from division of Pakistan in 1972. From 1970s Sikh terrorists (with propaganda, financing, arming from Muslims across the border) made religion a tool to garner Satta. Which began with Anandpur Sahib Resolution of 1973.
 
         "The leadership within the Akali Dal played into the hands of the terrorists when they began to proclaim that Sikh politics could not be separated from the Sikh religion since this was the fact of life proclaimed by the gurus.  
        There were two simple reasons why no Sikh challenged this concept created so conveniently by the Akali Dal. The common man amongst the Sikhs was not really bothered about such issues; he was too busy building a life for himself. Secondly there was an acute lack of knowledge of Sikh history and scriptures amongst the Sikh masses. Consequently, the Akali Dal could feed their Sikh followers anything and they would accept it as the gospel truth.
        The educated Akali leadership such as Prakash Singh Badal, Justice Gurnam Singh and Lachman Singh Gill believed that they could politically outmaneuver their uneducated colleagues and take over the leadership of the Akalis.
        Consequently, these educated leaders allowed communalism to cast a shadow over their party’s political concepts. Their reasoning: their existence was dependent on Sikh votes and such votes could only come their way through religious exploitation.
        These leaders felt that since the Akali Dal could never come to power in Punjab before 1966 and since the state was not Sikh-dominated, the Punjabi suba movement had to be started.
        However, even after obtaining the Punjab suba in 1966, their political fortunes did not improve significantly. The dominance of the Sikh community was confined to only 2%, which they realized was insufficient to keep them in power because of the inherent conflicts within the party itself.
        When they did come to power, they ended up breaking into two or three factions; sometimes the divide occurred between the educated and the uneducated sections. Their government would always fall before the full 5 year term only to be succeeded in a by-election by the congress party.
        Another cause for the growing frustration of the Akalis was the fact that the Sikh community at large did not fall for their ploy that they were the only spokesman of their community or for that matter that the Sikh Panth was in danger.
        Gradually, santdom began to dominate Punjabi politics. Fateh singh then, Bhindranwala now. All these uneducated jathedars who took over the command of Akali leadership knew the words of scriptures but not their spirit.
        The opposition has mentioned the fact that Bhindranwala was an election agent or was supported by one or two congress MPs and that he was a plant of congress(I). The opposition blames the congress(I) for the emergence of Bhindranwala; but I would like to know who invited Bhindranwala into Guru Nanak Niwas and into the premises of the Golden Temple. The SGPC president Mr Tohra and the moderate leadership of the Akalis helped Bhindranwala, otherwise nobody can live in the premises of Golden Temple without permission of SGPC President. After all, Bhindranwala did not just walk in.
        I feel, that they used Bhindranwala for their own political reasons against the government to alienate and commercialize Sikh votes to be used by them in future. They build up Bhindranwala not realizing that, much later, he would become Frankenstein. But towards the end, the Akalis became helpless. The Frankenstein they had created, under the garb of their ‘Dharam Yudh’ for their own political ends, was to eventually compete with them. And ultimately to swallow them.
        One of the reasons, why the army was suddenly sent into the Golden temple – I say suddenly because all along, the government was reluctant to send in the army- was the threat to kill all congress (I) MPs and MLAs on 5 June 1984 and their plan to begin mass killings of Hindus in Villages.
        In my district, Balbera, in Patiala four or five Arthiyas were killed hardly a fortnight before the army action: the mass killings had already started. In model town an architect, a doctor and other innocent Hindus were being killed. They aimed to kill more. Actually they wanted to start a civil war between the Hindus and the Sikhs.
        They were killing the Sikhs who had vocally opposed Bhindranwala and the idea of Khalistan.
        During my mass contact programme in Patiala district in May 1984, we faced so many angry people. The Patiala gurudwara dukhniwaran was coming up as sub center of the terrorist movement. Harvinder singh Khalsa was camping in our district and coordinating the activities from there. People I my constituency refused to talk to me. Why are you not taking any action they asked? Gurdwaras were no longer gurdwaras if terrorists were hiding there, they told me. How many more innocent people will be killed?
        These activities must have prompted the army action. Otherwise, the army might have been better prepared. The army had thought the operation would only last one hour. They would surround Harminder sahib and ask the people inside to surrender and the later would come out. And it would be all over.
        Had the terrorists done so all this would have been avoided. But people inside the golden temple began to fire. Bhindranwala went into the Akal Takth because he realised that the government would not enter Harminder sahib. Bhindranwala took full advantage of the fact that Sikh feelings would be hurt if anything happens to the Akal takth. As a Sikh, I reacted strongly but it had all become too much.
        When Bhindranwala shifted into Akal Takth, Sikhs should have openly to criticized his move. Sikhs should have also told the SGPC President and the other Akali Leaders who had encouraged all this to bring Bhindranwala out of the Akal Takth. They should have strongly objected to the role of the Akalis.
        I did at that time appealed to the Sikhs to come out and strongly oppose Bhindranwala moving into the Akal Takth. In fact, I said that Bhindranwala should be asked to leave the Golden Temple. Why did he not come out and fight if he was so brave? If he was innocent, why did he not come out and prove his innocence? Why was he taking shelter in the premises of the golden temple and encouraging smugglers, criminals, anti social and anti national elements. Why was he collecting arms through smugglers, exhorting money encouraging people to loot and share the booty with them? Is it Saintly? He definitely had links with Pakistanis, Canadians and Americans.   
        Ever since, Tohra took up the SGPC Presidentship, he has concentrated on bringing politics into the gurudwaras instead of teaching the Sikh religion from there. He involved the Sikh religion with politics to such an extent that religion was totally forgotten during his tenure.
        Politics and religion should be completely separated. The Hindus actually began to feel claustrophobic after the hukumnama was issued in 1978 against the Nirankaris. Hindus began to feel that if it is Nirankaris today, tomorrow it will be them. All the math’s within the community ; the radhaswamis, the Udasis, the Namdharis, the Nirmalas etc began to worry about the fact that political hukamnamas could be handed out to them as well. We Sikhs who belong to the congress party began to feel that in future they could issue the hukamnama at will and even command us to join the Akali Party.
        The liberal Sikh was also outraged after all, THE Gurus taught us religious freedom and that was what was being taken away in name of hukamnamas. There can be a few Nirankaris, Radhaswamins, Udasis Nirmalas in each family. They cannot tell us not to mix with our brothers if they become Nirankaris, Radhaswamins, udasis nirmalas etc. where is then the religious freedom the Gurus taught us?
        Immediately after this Hukamnama, I wrote an article denouncing the Hukamnama. I wanted to create a controversy in the universities about this. I had said that these were political hukamnams which did not have any religious meaning. At the same time, Tohra had written to the then railway Minister Madhu Dandwate to name the flying Mail as Golden temple express. I objected to this. I even wrote a letter to Mr Dandwate to warn him that this kind of thing would create problems between the Hindus and Sikhs. The Akalis would want the Kirtan to be relayed and smoking prohibited. They really wanted a gurudwara on wheels.
        Can the intellectuals deny the fact that when any brave and democratic Sikh stood up to question the barbaric acts, duly sanctioned by the author of ‘hit lists’ living in the safety of Akal Takht, he was called a traitor to the community and shot dead. The shooting of the Sikhs by these terrorists was part of a design to subvert the inherent courage of the Sikh community as a whole and reduce us to a community of weak in subjugation to these terrorists.
        The ‘hit list’ stopped the thought process in the minds of many Sikh intellectuals. It conjured up the picture of the menacing shape of the loaded machinegun which stopped dead in his tracks any resistance to what these terrorists had set out to achieve.
        Many Sikh intellectuals may have seen the signs of communalism, emerging in the Sikh community; in face of hitlists, – they preferred to take shelter under the argument that Akali demands were Punjabi demands and the only solution possible was for the government to surrender to the ‘dharam yudh’ of Akali Dal. In fact they were giving up their bravery they were so well known for.
        A large number of Sikh intellectual may have spoken out against terrorism in Punjab, but they did so from the safety of their homes and offices. Why did they not go alone or in a sangat of tens, hundreds, thousands, to the Akal Takth to demand that Bhindranwala and his murdering henchmen vacate their sacrilegious occupancy of our most sacred gurudwara. We Sikhs should have had the courage to solve this problem ourselves. I am as guilty as the next Sikh because I was quite content to let the government cleanse my home. I should set my own house in order.
        The Akali Dal and the SGPC have by not throwing out Bhindranwala from the premises of the Golden Temple lost the right to speak for and on behalf of Sikhs. The Sikh community as a whole expects that the head priest atleast should be above the fear of man but these head priests became soundless wonders.
        The Akalis were not really concerned with the welfare of the Sikhs. They could not see beyond their own political concerns.   In the early 80s many of the Sikhs who lived outside Punjab used to tell me that the movement for khalistan had made them feel insecure. Some of them were bureaucrats and each time they went to Punjab, they were asked if they were indeed going back to Khalistan. Or they were continually mocked about when Khalistan would be born.
        I went to see Tohra about this fear.  I told him that I had come to see him as a Sikh and not as a politician. But when I expressed concern about what Sikhs outside Punjab felt, he merely said nothing could be achieved without kurbani.
        This was not too different from what Bhindranwala voiced in his tapes. The Sikhs who lived outside Punjab were traitors for him. “Let them die” he had said. “for they do not do our work”.
        Tohra does not believe in any religion. He has ruined the image of the Sikhs. In fact, I hold him responsible for the tarnished image of the Sikhs. I cannot stay in the Harminder Sahib or in the SGPC without his permission.
        Why should there be an office of a political party in any Gurudwara. Nine crores of SGPC money was misused for political purposes.
        I would also hold the leadership of Akali Dal responsible for what has happened, because they turned out to be so weak. They had known Tohra’s game all along and did nothing letting themselves be out maneuvered by the extremists. Towards the end they even pleaded to the govt to save them because they feared that the terrorists would blow up the gurudwara.
        Tohra is really the evil genius behind the lot of the disruption which has taken place in Punjab. In fact both Tohra and Harkishen Singh Surjeet. The later has been chief advisor to Tohra since at least 1978. The way he brought Harkishen Singh Surjeet into the Rajya sabha appears most illogical. Why should the Akalis support a CPM leader as a Rajya Sabha member rather than one of their own men?
        When Harkishen Singh Surjeet began to criticise the Akalis and to project the CPM, Badal realized Tohra’s game. His eyes were opened. Tohra was responsible for planting CPM card holders as pracharaks (junir Granthis) in nearly 75% of the Gurudwaras durtying end seventies.
        The Akalis hate me. They think that I am anti Sikh. I am not anti sikh. I anti Akali. They have ruined the image of Sikhs. For the first time the differences between the hindus and the Sikhs has taken such an ugly turn.
        They did have the Fateh Singh agitation, but hatred was never there. The Sikhs are known for their tolerance.  They respect other religion. Guru Nank Dev even sent people to Mecca. The Sikhs are very liberal, but these Akalis made us feel as if we are intolerant.
        The Akali agitation has done incalculable damage to the Sikh community. We are now shouting and screaming after the army action. We say our sentiments are hurt. These are hollow sentiments. Where were these sentiments, when Hindus and Sikhs were being killed. Why were we silent when Hindus were pulled out of buses and shot dead.  
         The transition of image of Sikhs as brave turned to weak when Sikh terrorists with machine guns shot dead unarmed innocents Hindus and Sikhs. Terrorists measured their bravery by the size of their machine guns, anti tank guns and mines, Rocket propelled guns with which they killed unarmed innocents humans. Anybody with a machine gun can kill any number of unarmed humans as the number of bullets in his machine. Actually it is not bravery and never was. It was show of cowardice. there was a time when 2 persons were afraid to accost a single sikh with flowing beard. people of all walks of life would trust a Sikh. but since the days when it took 8-10 sikhs with machine guns to kill unarmed 4-5 commuters, the image of sikhs as brave community has turned to that of weaklings. The final blow to the trust and confidence which Sikhs generated with their presence occurred when protectors became killers. Sikh bodyguards did not kill Indira Gandhi alone. They also killed the trust and confidence which the community generated among people, in last few hundred years, by their very presence.      
        The blow to the Sikh community has been quite profound. We were a proud community. We thought we were the cat’s whiskers. The savior of all. But now it was seen that we did not had the guts to face the situation. We, the Sikhs, should have the ones to throw Bhindranwala out of the premises of Golden Temple. We are now finding it difficult to admit our failure. Our so called dynamism and bravery has disappeared. Still I am optimistic. Time is great healer. The Sikhs have to search within themselves. The healing touch should come from the Sikhs themselves. I must search myself for a healing touch and finding it must help others to do so.

Source;
Punjab story – Amarjit Kaur. She is daughter of late Col Raghubir Singh, former CM of Patiala and Eastern Punjab States Union (PEPSU). She was married to Devinder Singh, son of former maharaja of Patiala Bhupinder Singh. She has served as member of Rajya Sabha for two consecutive terms from the 1976 to 1988. She also contested Lok Sabha elections as the Congress candidate from Patiala seat in 1985, which she lost by a thin margin. In 2009, she joined SAD.